[1:1] ) there worshipped, and thence was called Soroapis, and afterwards Serapis by the custom of the natives.
[1:2] And Apis is third after Inachus.
[1:3] Further, Latona lived in the time of Tityus.
[1:4] "For he dragged Latona, the radiant consort of Zeus".
[1:5] Now Tityus was contemporary with Tantalus.
[1:6] Rightly, therefore, the Boeotian Pindar writes, "And in time was Apollo born;" and no wonder when he is found along with Hercules, serving Admetus "for a long year".
[1:7] Zethus and Amphion, the inventors of music, lived about the age of Cadmus.
[1:8] And should one assert that Phemonoe was the first who sang oracles in verse to Acrisius, let him know that twenty-seven years after Phemonoe, lived Orpheus, and Musaeus, and Linus the teacher of Hercules.
[1:9] And Homer and Hesiod are much more recent than the Trojan war; and after them the legislators among the Greeks are far more recent, Lycurgus and Solon, and the seven wise men, and Pherecydes of Syros, and Pythagoras the great, who lived later, about the Olympiads, as we have shown.
[1:10] We have also demonstrated Moses to be more ancient, not only than those called poets and wise men among the Greeks, but than the most of their deities.
[1:11] Nor he alone, but the Sibyl also is more ancient than Orpheus.
[1:12] For it is said, that respecting her appellation and her oracular utterances there are several accounts; that being a Phrygian, she was called Artemis; and that on her arrival at Delphi, she sang— "O Delphians, ministers of far-darting Apollo, I come to declare the mind of aegis-bearing Zeus, Enraged as I am at my own brother Apollo".
[1:13] There is another also, an Erythraean, called Herophile.
[1:14] These are mentioned by Heraclides of Pontus in his work On Oracles.
[1:15] I pass over the Egyptian Sibyl, and the Italian, who inhabited the Carmentale in Rome, whose son was Evander, who built the temple of Pan in Rome, called the Lupercal.
[1:16] It is worth our while, having reached this point, to examine the dates of the other prophets among the Hebrews who succeeded Moses.
[1:17] After the close of Moses's life, Joshua succeeded to the leadership of the people, and he, after warring for sixty-five years, rested in the good land other five-and-twenty.
[1:18] As the book of Joshua relates, the above mentioned man was the successor of Moses twenty-seven years.
[1:19] Then the Hebrews having sinned, were delivered to Chusachar king of Mesopotamia for eight years, as the book of Judges mentions.
[1:20] But having afterwards besought the Lord, they receive for leader Gothoniel, the younger brother of Caleb, of the tribe of Judah, who, having slain the king of Mesopotamia, ruled over the people forty years in succession.
[1:21] And having again sinned, they were delivered into the hands of aeglom king of the Moabites for eighteen years.
[1:22] But on their repentance, Aod, a man who had equal use of both hands, of the tribe of Ephraim, was their leader for eighty years.
[1:23] It was he that despatched aeglom.
[1:24] On the death of Aod, and on their sinning again, they were delivered into the hand of Jabim king of Canaan twenty years.
[1:25] After him Deborah the wife of Lapidoth, of the tribe of Ephraim, prophesied; and Ozias the son of Rhiesu was high priest.
[1:26] At her instance Barak the son of Bener, of the tribe of Naphtali, commanding the army, having joined battle with Sisera, Jabim's commander-in-chief, conquered him.
[1:27] And after that Deborah ruled, judging the people forty years.
[1:28] On her death, the people having again sinned, were delivered into the hands of the Midianites seven years.
[1:29] After these events, Gideon, of the tribe of Manasseh, the son of Joas, having fought with his three hundred men, and killed a hundred and twenty thousand, ruled forty years; after whom the son of Ahimelech, three years.
[1:30] He was succeeded by Boleas, the son of Bedan, the son of Charran, of the tribe of Ephraim, who ruled twenty-three years.
[1:31] After whom, the people having sinned again, were delivered to the Ammonites eighteen years; and on their repentance were commanded by Jephtha the Gileadite, of the tribe of Manasseh; and he ruled six years.
[1:32] After whom, Abatthan of Bethlehem, of the tribe of Juda, ruled seven years.
[1:33] Then Ebron the Zebulonite, eight years.
[1:34] Then Eglom of Ephraim, eight years.
[1:35] Some add to the seven years of Abatthan the eight of Ebrom.
[1:36] And after him, the people having again transgressed, came under the power of the foreigners, the Philistines, for forty years.
[1:37] But on their returning to God, they were led by Samson, of the tribe of Dan, who conquered the foreigners in battle.
[1:38] He ruled twenty years.
[1:39] And after him, there being no governor, Eli the priest judged the people for forty years.
[1:40] He was succeeded by Samuel the prophet; contemporaneously with whom Saul reigned, who held sway for twenty-seven years.
[1:41] He anointed David.
[1:42] Samuel died two years before Saul, while Abimelech was high priest.
[1:43] He anointed Saul as king, who was the first that bore regal sway over Israel after the judges; the whole duration of whom, down to Saul, was four hundred and sixty-three years and seven months.
[1:44] Then in the first book of Kings there are twenty years of Saul, during which he reigned after he was renovated.
[1:45] And after the death of Saul, David the son of Jesse, of the tribe of Judah, reigned next in Hebron, forty years, as is contained in the second book of Kings.
[1:46] And Abiathar the son of Abimelech, of the kindred of Eli, was high priest.
[1:47] In his time Gad and Nathan prophesied.
[1:48] From Joshua the son of Nun, then, till David received the kingdom, there intervene, according to some, four hundred and fifty years.
[1:49] But, as the chronology set forth shows, five hundred and twenty-three years and seven months are comprehended till the death of David.
[1:50] And after this Solomon the son of David reigned forty years.
[1:51] Under him Nathan continued to prophesy, who also exhorted him respecting the building of the temple.
[1:52] Achias of Shilo also prophesied.
[1:53] And both the kings, David and Solomon, were prophets.
[1:54] And Sadoc the high priest was the first who ministered in the temple which Solomon built, being the eighth from Aaron, the first high priest.
[1:55] From Moses, then, to the age of Solomon, as some say, are five hundred and ninety-five years, and as others, five hundred and seventy-six.
[1:56] And if you count, along with the four hundred and fifty years from Joshua to David, the forty years of the rule of Moses, and the other eighty years of Moses's life previous to the exodus of the Hebrews from Egypt, you will make up the sum in all of six hundred and ten years.
[1:57] But our chronology will run more correctly, if to the five hundred and twenty-three years and seven months till the death of David, you add the hundred and twenty years of Moses and the forty years of Solomon.
[1:58] For you will make up in all, down to the death of Solomon, six hundred and eighty-three years and seven months.
[1:59] Hiram gave his daughter to Solomon about the time of the arrival of Menelaus in Phoenicia, after the capture of Troy, as is said by Menander of Pergamus, and Laetus in The Phoenicia.
[1:60] And after Solomon, Roboam his son reigned for seventeen years; and Abimelech the son of Sadoc was high priest.
[1:61] In his reign, the kingdom being divided, Jeroboam, of the tribe of Ephraim, the servant of Solomon, reigned in Samaria; and Achias the Shilonite continued to prophesy; also Samaeas the son of Amame, and he who came from Judah to Jeroboam, and prophesied against the altar.
[1:62] After him his son Abijam, twenty-three years; and likewise his son Asaman.
[1:63] The last, in his old age, was diseased in his feet; and in his reign prophesied Jehu the son of Ananias.
[1:64] After him Jehosaphat his son reigned twenty-five years.
[1:65] In his reign prophesied Elias the Thesbite, and Michaeas the son of Jebla, and Abdias the son of Ananias.
[1:66] And in the time of Michaeas there was also the false prophet Zedekias, the son of Chonaan.
[1:67] These were followed by the reign of Joram the son of Jehosaphat, for eight years; during whose time prophesied Elias; and after Elias, Elisaeus the son of Saphat.
[1:68] In his reign the people in Samaria ate doves' dung and their own children.
[1:69] The period of Jehosaphat extends from the close of the third book of Kings to the fourth.
[1:70] And in the reign of Joram, Elias was translated, and Elisaeus the son of Saphat commenced prophesying, and prophesied for six years, being forty years old.
[1:71] Then Ochozias reigned a year.
[1:72] In his time Elisaeus continued to prophesy, and along with him Adadonaeus.
[1:73] After him the mother of Ozias, Gotholia, reigned eight years, having slain the children of her brother.
[1:74] For she was of the family of Ahab.
[1:75] But the sister of Ozias, Josabaea, stole Joas the son of Ozias, and invested him afterwards with the kingdom.
[1:76] And in the time of this Gotholia, Elisaeus was still prophesying.
[1:77] And after her reigned, as I said before, Joash, rescued by Josabaea the wife of Jodae the high priest, and lived in all forty years.
[1:78] There are comprised, then, from Solomon to the death of Elisaeus the prophet, as some say, one hundred and five years; according to others, one hundred and two; and, as the chronology before us shows, from the reign of Solomon an hundred and eighty-one.
[1:79] Now from the Trojan war to the birth of Homer, according to Philochorus, a hundred and eighty years elapsed; and he was posterior to the Ionic migration.
[1:80] But Aristarchus, in the Archilochian Memoirs, says that he lived during the Ionic migration, which took place a hundred and twenty years after the siege of Troy.
[1:81] But Apollodorus alleges it was an hundred and twenty years after the Ionic migration, while Agesilaus son of Doryssaeus was king of the Lacedaemonians: so that he brings Lycurgus the legislator, while still a young man, near him.
[1:82] Euthymenes, in the Chronicles, says that he flourished contemporaneously with Hesiod, in the time of Acastus, and was born in Chios about the four hundredth year after the capture of Troy.
[1:83] And Archimachus, in the third book of his Euboean History, is of this opinion.
[1:84] So that both he and Hesiod were later than Elisaeus, the prophet.
[1:85] And if you choose to follow the grammarian Crates, and say that Homer was born about the time of the expedition of the Heraclidae, eighty years after the taking of Troy, he will be found to be later again than Solomon, in whose days occurred the arrival of Menelaus in Phoenicia, as was said above.
[1:86] Eratosthenes says that Homer's age was two hundred years after the capture of Troy.
[1:87] Further, Theopompus, in the forty-third book of the Philippics, relates that Homer was born five hundred years after the war at Troy.
[1:88] And Euphorion, in his book about the Aleuades, maintains that he was born in the time of Gyges, who began to reign in the eighteenth Olympiad, who, also he says, was the first that was called tyrant (τύραννος).
[1:89] Sosibius Lacon, again, in his Record of Dates, brings Homer down to the eighth year of the reign of Charillus the son of Polydectus.
[1:90] Charillus reigned for sixty-four years, after whom the son of Nicander reigned thirty-nine years.
[1:91] In his thirty-fourth year it is said that the first Olympiad was instituted; so that Homer was ninety years before the introduction of the Olympic games.
[1:92] After Joas, Amasias his son reigned as his successor thirty-nine years.
[1:93] He in like manner was succeeded by his son Ozias, who reigned for fifty-two years, and died a leper.
[1:94] And in his time prophesied Amos, and Isaiah his son, and Hosea the son of Beeri, and Jonas the son of Amathi, who was of Geth-chober, who preached to the Ninevites, and passed through the whale's belly.
[1:95] Then Jonathan the son of Ozias reigned for sixteen years.
[1:96] In his time Esaias still prophesied, and Hosea, and Michaeas the Morasthite, and Joel the son of Bethuel.
[1:97] Next in succession was his son Ahaz, who reigned for sixteen years.
[1:98] In his time, in the fifteenth year, Israel was carried away to Babylon.
[1:99] And Salmanasar the king of the Assyrians carried away the people of Samaria into the country of the Medes and to Babylon.
[1:100] Again Ahaz was succeeded by Osee, who reigned for eight years.
[1:101] Then followed Hezekiah, for twenty-nine years.
[1:102] For his sanctity, when he had approached his end, God, by Isaiah, allowed him to live for other fifteen years, giving as a sign the going back of the sun.
[1:103] Up to his times Esaias, Hosea, and Micah continued prophesying.
[1:104] And these are said to have lived after the age of Lycurgus, the legislator of the Lacedaemonians.
[1:105] For Dieuchidas, in the fourth book of the Megarics, places the era of Lycurgus about the two hundred and ninetieth year after the capture of Troy.
[1:106] After Hezekiah, his son Manasses reigned for fifty-five years.
[1:107] Then his son Amos for two years.
[1:108] After him reigned his son Josias, distinguished for his observance of the law, for thirty-one years.
[1:109] He "laid the carcases of men upon the carcases of the idols," as is written in the book of Leviticus.
[1:110] In his reign, in the eighteenth year, the passover was celebrated, not having been kept from the days of Samuel in the intervening period.
[1:111] Then Chelkias the priest, the father of the prophet Jeremiah, having fallen in with the book of the law, that had been laid up in the temple, read it and died.
[1:112] And in his days Olda prohesied, and Sophonias, and Jeremiah.
[1:113] And in the days of Jeremiah was Ananias the son of Azor, the false prophet.
[1:114] He having disobeyed Jeremiah the prophet, was slain by Pharaoh Necho king of Egypt at the river Euphrates, having encountered the latter, who was marching on the Assyrians.
[1:115] Josiah was succeeded by Jechoniah, called also Joachas, his son, who reigned three months and ten days.
[1:116] Necho king of Egypt bound him and led him to Egypt, after making his brother Joachim king in his stead, who continued his tributary for eleven years.
[1:117] After him his namesake Joakim reigned for three months.
[1:118] Then Zedekiah reigned for eleven years; and up to his time Jeremiah continued to prophesy.
[1:119] Along with him Ezekiel the son of Buzi, and Urias the son of Samaeus, and Ambacum prophesied.
[1:120] Here end the Hebrew kings.
[1:121] There are then from the birth of Moses till this captivity nine hundred and seventy-two years; but according to strict chronological accuracy, one thousand and eighty-five, six months, ten days.
[1:122] From the reign of David to the captivity by the Chaldeans, four hundred and fifty-two years and six months; but as the accuracy we have observed in reference to dates makes out, four hundred and eighty-two and six months ten days.
[1:123] And in the twelfth year of the reign of Zedekiah, forty years before the supremacy of the Persians, Nebuchodonosor made war against the Phoenicians and the Jews, as Berosus asserts in his Chaldaean Histories.
[1:124] And Joabas, writing about the Assyrians, acknowledges that he had received the history from Berosus, and testifies to his accuracy.
[1:125] Nebuchodonosor, therefore, having put out the eyes of Zedekiah, took him away to Babylon, and transported the whole people (the captivity lasted seventy years), with the exception of a few who fled to Egypt.
[1:126] Jeremiah and Ambacum were still prophesying in the time of Zedekiah.
[1:127] In the fifth year of his reign Ezekiel prophesied at Babylon; after him Nahum, then Daniel.
[1:128] After him, again, Haggai and Zechariah prophesied in the time of Darius the First for two years; and then the angel among the twelve.
[1:129] After Haggai and Zechariah, Nehemiah, the chief cup-bearer of Artaxerxes, the son of Acheli the Israelite, built the city of Jerusalem and restored the temple.
[1:130] During the captivity lived Esther and Mordecai, whose book is still extant, as also that of the Maccabees.
[1:131] During this captivity Mishael, Ananias, and Azarias, refusing to worship the image, and being thrown into a furnace of fire, were saved by the appearance of an angel.
[1:132] At that time, on account of the serpent, Daniel was thrown into the den of lions; but being preserved through the providence of God by Ambacub, he is restored on the seventh day.
[1:133] At this period, too, occurred the sign of Jona; and Tobias, through the assistance of the angel Raphael, married Sarah, the demon having killed her seven first suitors; and after the marriage of Tobias, his father Tobit recovered his sight.
[1:134] At that time Zorobabel, having by his wisdom overcome his opponents, and obtained leave from Darius for the rebuilding of Jerusalem, returned with Esdras to his native land; and by him the redemption of the people and the revisal and restoration of the inspired oracles were effected; and the passover of deliverance celebrated, and marriage with aliens dissolved.
[1:135] Cyrus had, by proclamation, previously enjoined the restoration of the Hebrews.
[1:136] And his promise being accomplished in the time of Darius, the feast of the dedication was held, as also the feast of tabernacles.
[1:137] There were in all, taking in the duration of the captivity down to the restoration of the people, from the birth of Moses, one thousand one hundred and fifty-five years, six months, and ten days; and from the reign of David, according to some, four hundred and fifty-two; more correctly, five hundred and seventy-two years, six months, and ten days.
[1:138] From the captivity at Babylon, which took place in the time of Jeremiah the prophet, was fulfilled what was spoken by Daniel the prophet as follows: "Seventy weeks are determined upon thy people, and upon thy holy city, to finish the transgression, and to seal sins, and to wipe out and make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal the vision and the prophet, and to anoint the Holy of Holies.
[1:139] Know therefore, and understand, that from the going forth of the word commanding an answer to be given, and Jerusalem to be built, to Christ the Prince, are seven weeks and sixty-two weeks; and the street shall be again built, and the wall; and the times shall be expended.
[1:140] And after the sixty-two weeks the anointing shall be overthrown, and judgment shall not be in him; and he shall destroy the city and the sanctuary along with the coming Prince.
[1:141] And they shall be destroyed in a flood, and to the end of the war shall be cut off by desolations.
[1:142] And he shall confirm the covenant with many for one week; and in the middle of the week the sacrifice and oblation shall be taken away; and in the holy place shall be the abomination of desolations, and until the consummation of time shall the consummation be assigned for desolation.
[1:143] And in the midst of the week shall he make the incense of sacrifice cease, and of the wing of destruction, even till the consummation, like the destruction of the oblation".
[1:144] That the temple accordingly was built in seven weeks, is evident; for it is written in Esdras.
[1:145] And thus Christ became King of the Jews, reigning in Jerusalem in the fulfilment of the seven weeks.
[1:146] And in the sixty and two weeks the whole of Judaea was quiet, and without wars.
[1:147] And Christ our Lord, "the Holy of Holies," having come and fulfilled the vision and the prophecy, was anointed in His flesh by the Holy Spirit of His Father.
[1:148] In those "sixty and two weeks," as the prophet said, and "in the one week," was He Lord.
[1:149] The half of the week Nero held sway, and in the holy city Jerusalem placed the abomination; and in the half of the week he was taken away, and Otho, and Galba, and Vitellius.
[1:150] And Vespasian rose to the supreme power, and destroyed Jerusalem, and desolated the holy place.
[1:151] And that such are the facts of the case, is clear to him that is able to understand, as the prophet said.
[1:152] On the completion, then, of the eleventh year, in the beginning of the following, in the reign of Joachim, occurred the carrying away captive to Babylon by Nabuchodonosor the king, in the seventh year of his reign over the Assyrians, in the second year of the reign of Vaphres over the Egyptians, in the archonship of Philip at Athens, in the first year of the forty-eighth Olympiad.
[1:153] The captivity lasted for seventy years, and ended in the second year of Darius Hystaspes, who had become king of the Persians, Assyrians, and Egyptians; in whose reign, as I said above, Haggai and Zechariah and the angel of the twelve prophesied.
[1:154] And the high priest was Joshua the son of Josedec.
[1:155] And in the second year of the reign of Darius, who, Herodotus says, destroyed the power of the Magi, Zorobabel the son of Salathiel was despatched to raise and adorn the temple at Jerusalem.
[1:156] The times of the Persians are accordingly summed up thus: Cyrus reigned thirty years; Cambyses, nineteen; Darius, forty-six; Xerxes, twenty-six; Artaxerxes, forty-one; Darius, eight; Artaxerxes, forty-two; Ochus or Arses, three.
[1:157] The sum total of the years of the Persian monarchy is two hundred and thirty-five years.
[1:158] Alexander of Macedon, having despatched this Darius, during this period, began to reign.
[1:159] Similarly, therefore, the times of the Macedonian kings are thus computed: Alexander, eighteen years; Ptolemy the son of Lagus, forty years; Ptolemy Philadelphus, twenty-seven years; then Euergetes, five-and-twenty years; then Philopator, seventeen years; then Epiphanes, four-and-twenty years; he was succeeded by Philometer, who reigned five-and-thirty years; after him Physcon, twenty-nine years; then Lathurus, thirty-six years; then he that was surnamed Dionysus, twenty-nine years; and last Cleopatra reigned twenty-two years.
[1:160] And after her was the reign of the Cappadocians for eighteen days.
[1:161] Accordingly the period embraced by the Macedonian kings is, in all, three hundred and twelve years and eighteen days.
[1:162] Therefore those who prophesied in the time of Darius Hystaspes, about the second year of his reign,—Haggai, and Zechariah, and the angel of the twelve, who prophesied about the first year of the forty-eighth Olympiad,—are demonstrated to be older than Pythagoras, who is said to have lived in the sixty-second Olympiad, and than Thales, the oldest of the wise men of the Greeks, who lived about the fiftieth Olympiad.
[1:163] Those wise men that are classed with Thales were then contemporaneous, as Andron says in the Tripos.
[1:164] For Heraclitus being posterior to Pythagoras, mentions him in his book.
[1:165] Whence indisputably the first Olympiad, which was demonstrated to be four hundred and seven years later than the Trojan war, is found to be prior to the age of the above-mentioned prophets, together with those called the seven wise men.
[1:166] Accordingly it is easy to perceive that Solomon, who lived in the time of Menelaus (who was during the Trojan war), was earlier by many years than the wise men among the Greeks.
[1:167] And how many years Moses preceded him we showed, in what we said above.
[1:168] And Alexander, surnamed Polyhistor, in his work on the Jews, has transcribed some letters of Solomon to Vaphres king of Egypt, and to the king of the Phoenicians at Tyre, and theirs to Solomon; in which it is shown that Vaphres sent eighty thousand Egyptian men to him for the building of the temple, and the other as many, along with a Tyrian artificer, the son of a Jewish mother, of the tribe of Dan, as is there written, of the name of Hyperon.
[1:169] Further, Onomacritus the Athenian, who is said to have been the author of the poems ascribed to Orpheus, is ascertained to have lived in the reign of the Pisistratidae, about the fiftieth Olympiad.
[1:170] And Orpheus, who sailed with Hercules, was the pupil of Musaeus.
[1:171] Amphion precedes the Trojan war by two generations.
[1:172] And Demodocus and Phemius were posterior to the capture of Troy; for they were famed for playing on the lyre, the former among the Phaeacians, and the latter among the suitors.
[1:173] And the Oracles ascribed to Musaeus are said to be the production of Onomacritus, and the Crateres of Orpheus the production of Zopyrus of Heraclea, and The Descent to Hades that of Prodicus of Samos.
[1:174] Ion of Chios relates in the Triagmi, that Pythagoras ascribed certain works of his own to Orpheus.
[1:175] Epigenes, in his book respecting The Poetry attributed to Orpheus, says that The Descent to Hades and the Sacred Discourse were the production of Cecrops the Pythagorean; and the Peplus and the Physics of Brontinus.
[1:176] Some also make Terpander out ancient.
[1:177] Hellanicus, accordingly, relates that he lived in the time of Midas: but Phanias, who places Lesches the Lesbian before Terpander, makes Terpander younger than Archilochus, and relates that Lesches contended with Arctinus, and gained the victory.
[1:178] Xanthus the Lydian says that he lived about the eighteenth Olympiad; as also Dionysius says that Thasus was built about the fifteenth Olympiad: so that it is clear that Archilochus was already known after the twentieth Olympiad.
[1:179] He accordingly relates the destruction of Magnetes as having recently taken place.
[1:180] Simonides is assigned to the time of Archilochus.
[1:181] Callinus is not much older; for Archilochus refers to Magnetes as destroyed, while the latter refers to it as flourishing.
[1:182] Eumelus of Corinth being older, is said to have met Archias, who founded Syracuse.
[1:183] We were induced to mention these things, because the poets of the epic cycle are placed amongst those of most remote antiquity.
[1:184] Already, too, among the Greeks, many diviners are said to have made their appearance, as the Bacides, one a Boeotian, the other an Arcadian, who uttered many predictions to many.
[1:185] By the counsel of Amphiletus the Athenian, who showed the time for the onset, Pisistratus, too, strengthened his government.
[1:186] For we may pass over in silence Cometes of Crete, Cinyras of Cyprus, Admetus the Thessalian, Aristaeas the Cyrenian, Amphiaraus the Athenian, Timoxeus the Corcyraean, Demaenetus the Phocian, Epigenes the Thespian, Nicias the Carystian, Aristo the Thessalian, Dionysius the Carthaginian, Cleophon the Corinthian, Hippo the daughter of Chiro, and Boeo, and Manto, and the host of Sibyls, the Samian, the Colophonian, the Cumaean, the Erythraean, the Pythian, the Taraxandrian, the Macetian, the Thessalian, and the Thesprotian.
[1:187] And Calchas again, and Mopsus, who lived during the Trojan war.
[1:188] Mopsus, however, was older, having sailed along with the Argonants.
[1:189] And it is said that Battus the Cyrenian composed what is called the Divination of Mopsus.
[1:190] Dorotheus in the first Pandect relates that Mopsus was the disciple of Alcyon and Corone.
[1:191] And Pythagoras the Great always applied his mind to prognostication, and Abaris the Hyperborean, and Aristaeas the Proconnesian, and Epimenides the Cretan, who came to Sparta, and Zoroaster the Mede, and Empedocles of Agrigentum, and Phormion the Lacedaemonian; Polyaratus, too, of Thasus, and Empedotimus of Syracuse; and in addition to these, Socrates the Athenian in particular.
[1:192] "For," he says in the Theages, "I am attended by a supernatural intimation, which has been assigned me from a child by divine appointment.
[1:193] This is a voice which, when it comes, prevents what I am about to do, but exhorts never".
[1:194] And Execestus, the tyrant of the Phocians, wore two enchanted rings, and by the sound which they uttered one against the other determined the proper times for actions.
[1:195] But he died, nevertheless, treacherously murdered, although warned beforehand by the sound, as Aristotle says in the Polity of the Phocians.
[1:196] Of those, too, who at one time lived as men among the Egyptians, but were constituted gods by human opinion, were Hermes the Theban, and Asclepius of Memphis; Tireseus and Manto, again, at Thebes, as Euripides says.
[1:197] Helenus, too, and Laocoön, and oenone, and Crenus in Ilium.
[1:198] For Crenus, one of the Heraclidae, is said to have been a noted prophet.
[1:199] Another was Jamus in Elis, from whom came the Jamidae; and Polyidus at Argos and Megara, who is mentioned by the tragedy.
[1:200] Why enumerate Telemus, who, being a prophet of the Cyclops, predicted to Polyphemus the events of Ulysses' wandering; or Onomacritus at Athens; or Amphiaraus, who campaigned with the seven at Thebes, and is reported to be a generation older than the capture of Troy; or Theoclymenus in Cephalonia, or Telmisus in Caria, or Galeus in Sicily? There are others, too, besides these: Idmon, who was with the Argonauts, Phemonoe of Delphi, Mopsus the son of Apollo and Manto in Pamphylia, and Amphilochus the son of Amphiaraus in Cilicia, Alcmaeon among the Acarnanians, Anias in Delos, Aristander of Telmessus, who was along with Alexander.
[1:201] Philochorus also relates in the first book of the work, On Divination, that Orpheus was a seer.
[1:202] And Theopompus, and Ephorus, and Timaeus, write of a seer called Orthagoras; as the Samian Pythocles in the fourth book of The Italics writes of Caius Julius Nepos.
[1:203] But some of these "thieves and robbers," as the Scripture says, predicted for the most part from observation and probabilities, as physicians and soothsayers judge from natural signs; and others were excited by demons, or were disturbed by waters, and fumigations, and air of a peculiar kind.
[1:204] But among the Hebrews the prophets were moved by the power and inspiration of God.
[1:205] Before the law, Adam spoke prophetically in respect to the woman, and the naming of the creatures; Noah preached repentance; Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob gave many clear utterances respecting future and present things.
[1:206] Contemporaneous with the law, Moses and Aaron; and after these prophesied Jesus the son of Nave, Samuel, Gad, Nathan, Achias, Samaeas, Jehu, Elias, Michaeas, Abdiu, Elisaeus, Abbadonai, Amos, Esaias, Osee, Jonas, Joel, Jeremias, Sophonias the son of Buzi, Ezekiel, Urias, Ambacum, Naum, Daniel, Misael, who wrote the syllogisms, Aggai, Zacharias, and the angel among the twelve.
[1:207] These are, in all, five-and-thirty prophets.
[1:208] And of women (for these too prophesied), Sara, and Rebecca, and Mariam, and Debbora, and Olda, i-e:, Huldah.
[1:209] Then within the same period John prophesied till the baptism of salvation; and after the birth of Christ, Anna and Simeon.
[1:210] For Zacaharias, John's father, is said in the Gospels to have prophesied before his son.
[1:211] Let us then draw up the chronology of the Greeks from Moses.
[1:212] From the birth of Moses to the exodus of the Jews from Egypt, eighty years; and the period down to his death, other forty years.
[1:213] The exodus took place in the time of Inachus, before the wandering of Sothis, Moses having gone forth from Egypt three hundred and forty-five years before.
[1:214] From the rule of Moses, and from Inachus to the flood of Deucalion, I mean the second inundation, and to the conflagration of Phaethon, which events happened in the time of Crotopus, forty generations are enumerated (three generations being reckoned for a century).
[1:215] From the flood to the conflagration of Ida, and the discovery of iron, and the Idaean Dactyls, are seventy-three years, according to Thrasyllus; and from the conflagration of Ida to the rape of Ganymede, sixty-five years.
[1:216] From this to the expedition of Perseus, when Glaucus established the Isthmian games in honour of Melicerta, fifteen years; and from the expedition of Perseus to the building of Troy, thirty-four years.
[1:217] From this to the voyage of the Argo, sixty-four years.
[1:218] From this to Theseus and the Minotaur, thirty-two years; then to the seven at Thebes, ten years.
[1:219] And to the Olympic contest, which Hercules instituted in honour of Pelops, three years; and to the expedition of the Amazons against Athens, and the rape of Helen by Theseus, nine years.
[1:220] From this to the deification of Hercules, eleven years; then to the rape of Helen by Alexander, four years.
[1:221] From the taking of Troy to the descent of aeneas and the founding of Lavinium, ten years; and to the government of Ascanius, eight years; and to the descent of the Heraclidae, sixty-one years; and to the Olympiad of Iphitus, three hundred and thirty-eight years.
[1:222] Eratosthenes thus sets down the dates: "From the capture of Troy to the descent of the Heraclidae, eighty years.
[1:223] From this to the founding of Ionia, sixty years; and the period following to the protectorate of Lycurgus, a hundred and fifty-nine years; and to the first year of the first Olympiad, a hundred and eight years.
[1:224] From which Olympiad to the invasion of Xerxes, two hundred and ninety-seven years; from which to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, forty-eight years; and to its close, and the defeat of the Athenians, twenty-seven years; and to the battle at Leuctra, thirty-four years; after which to the death of Philip, thirty-five years.
[1:225] And after this to the decease of Alexander, twelve years".
[1:226] Again, from the first Olympiad, some say, to the building of Rome, are comprehended twenty-four years; and after this to the expulsion of the kings, when consuls were created, about two hundred and forty-three years.
[1:227] And from the taking of Babylon to the death of Alexander, a hundred and eighty-six years.
[1:228] From this to the victory of Augustus, when Antony killed himself at Alexandria, two hundred and ninety-four years, when Augustus was made consul for the fourth time.
[1:229] And from this time to the games which Domitian instituted at Rome, are a hundred and fourteen years; and from the first games to the death of Commodus, a hundred and eleven years.
[1:230] There are some that from Cecrops to Alexander of Macedon reckon a thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight years; and from Demophon, a thousand two hundred and fifty; and from the taking of Troy to the expedition of the Heraclidae, a hundred and twenty or a hundred and eighty years.
[1:231] From this to the archonship of Evaenetus at Athens, in whose time Alexander is said to have marched into Asia, according to Phanias, are seven hundred and fifty years; according to Ephorus, seven hundred and thirty-five; according to Timaeus and Clitarchus, eight hundred and twenty; according to Eratosthenes, seven hundred and seventy-four.
[1:232] As also Duris, from the taking of Troy to the march of Alexander into Asia, a thousand years; and from that to the archonship of Hegesias, in whose time Alexander died eleven years.
[1:233] From this date to the reign of Germanicus Claudius Caesar, three hundred and sixty-five years.
[1:234] From which time the years summed up to the death of Commodus are manifest.
[1:235] After the Grecian period, and in accordance with the dates, as computed by the barbarians, very large intervals are to be assigned.
[1:236] From Adam to the deluge are comprised two thousand one hundred and forty-eight years, four days.
[1:237] From Shem to Abraham, a thousand two hundred and fifty years.
[1:238] From Isaac to the division of the land, six hundred and sixteen years.
[1:239] Then from the judges to Samuel, four hundred and sixty-three years, seven months.
[1:240] And after the judges there were five hundred and seventy-two years, six months, ten days of kings.
[1:241] After which periods, there were two hundred and thirty-five years of the Persian monarchy.
[1:242] Then of the Macedonian, till the death of Antony, three hundred and twelve years and eighteen days.
[1:243] After which time, the empire of the Romans, till the death of Commodus, lasted for two hundred and twenty-two years.
[1:244] Then, from the seventy years' captivity, and the restoration of the people into their own land to the captivity in the time of Vespasian, are comprised four hundred and ten years.
[1:245] Finally, from Vespasian to the death of Commodus, there are ascertained to be one hundred and twenty-one years, six months, and twenty-four days.
[1:246] Demetrius, in his book, On the Kings in Judaea, says that the tribes of Juda, Benjamin, and Levi were not taken captive by Sennacherim; but that there were from this captivity to the last, which Nabuchodonosor made out of Jerusalem, a hundred and twenty-eight years and six months; and from the time that the ten tribes were carried captive from Samaria till Ptolemy the Fourth, were five hundred and seventy-three years, nine months; and from the time that the captivity from Jerusalem took place, three hundred and thirty-eight years and three months.
[1:247] Philo himself set down the kings differently from Demetrius.
[1:248] Besides, Eupolemus, in a similar work, says that all the years from Adam to the fifth year of Ptolemy Demetrius, who reigned twelve years in Egypt, when added, amount to five thousand a hundred and forty-nine; and from the time that Moses brought out the Jews from Egypt to the above-mentioned date, there are, in all, two thousand five hundred and eighty years.
[1:249] And from this time till the consulship in Rome of Caius Domitian and Casian, a hundred and twenty years are computed.
[1:250] Euphorus and many other historians say that there are seventy-five nations and tongues, in consequence of hearing the statement made by Moses: "All the souls that sprang from Jacob, which went down into Egypt, were seventy-five".
[1:251] According to the true reckoning, there appear to be seventy-two generic dialects, as our Scriptures hand down.
[1:252] The rest of the vulgar tongues are formed by the blending of two, or three, or more dialects.
[1:253] A dialect is a mode of speech which exhibits a character peculiar to a locality, or a mode of speech which exhibits a character peculiar or common to a race.
[1:254] The Greeks say, that among them are five dialects—the Attic, Ionic, Doric, aeolic, and the fifth the Common; and that the languages of the barbarians, which are innumerable, are not called dialects, but tongues.
[1:255] Plato attributes a dialect also to the gods, forming this conjecture mainly from dreams and oracles, and especially from demoniacs, who do not speak their own language or dialect, but that of the demons who have taken possession of them.
[1:256] He thinks also that the irrational creatures have dialects, which those that belong to the same genus understand.
[1:257] Accordingly, when an elephant falls into the mud and bellows out any other one that is at hand, on seeing what has happened, shortly turns, and brings with him a herd of elephants, and saves the one that has fallen in.
[1:258] It is said also in Libya, that a scorpion, if it does not succeed in stinging a man, goes away and returns with several more; and that, hanging on one to the other like a chain they make in this way the attempt to succeed in their cunning design.
[1:259] The irrational creatures do not make use of an obscure intimation, or hint their meaning by assuming a particular attitude, but, as I think, by a dialect of their own.
[1:260] And some others say, that if a fish which has been taken escape by breaking the line, no fish of the same kind will be caught in the same place that day.
[1:261] But the first and generic barbarous dialects have terms by nature, since also men confess that prayers uttered in a barbarian tongue are more powerful.
[1:262] And Plato, in the Cratylus, when wishing to interpret πῦρ (fire), says that it is a barbaric term.
[1:263] He testifies, accordingly, that the Phrygians use this term with a slight deviation.
[1:264] And nothing, in my opinion, after these details, need stand in the way of stating the periods of the Roman emperors, in order to the demonstration of the Saviour's birth.
[1:265] Augustus, forty-three years; Tiberius, twenty-two years; Caius, four years; Claudius, fourteen years; Nero, fourteen years; Galba, one year; Vespasian, ten years; Titus, three years; Domitian, fifteen years; Nerva, one year; Trajan, nineteen years; Adrian, twenty-one years; Antoninus, twenty-one years; likewise again, Antoninus and Commodus, thirty-two.
[1:266] In all, from Augustus to Commodus, are two hundred and twenty-two years; and from Adam to the death of Commodus, five thousand seven hundred and eighty-four years, two months, twelve days.
[1:267] Some set down the dates of the Roman emperors thus:— Caius Julius Caesar, three years, four months, five days; after him Augustus reigned forty-six years, four months, one day.
[1:268] Then Tiberius, twenty-six years, six months, nineteen days.
[1:269] He was succeeded by Caius Caesar, who reigned three years, ten months, eight days; and he by Claudius for thirteen years, eight months, twenty-eight days.
[1:270] Nero reigned thirteen years, eight months, twenty-eight days; Galba, seven months and six days; Otho, five months, one day; Vitellius, seven months, one day; Vespasian, eleven years, eleven months, twenty-two days; Titus, two years, two months; Domitian, fifteen years, eight months, five days; Nerva, one year, four months, ten days; Trajan, nineteen years, seven months, ten days; Adrian, twenty years, ten months, twenty-eight days.
[1:271] Antoninus, twenty-two years, three months, and seven days; Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, nineteen years, eleven days; Commodus, twelve years, nine months, fourteen days.
[1:272] From Julius Caesar, therefore, to the death of Commodus, are two hundred and thirty-six years, six months.
[1:273] And the whole from Romulus, who founded Rome, till the death of Commodus, amounts to nine hundred and fifty-three years, six months.
[1:274] And our Lord was born in the twenty-eighth year, when first the census was ordered to be taken in the reign of Augustus.
[1:275] And to prove that this is true, it is written in the Gospel by Luke as follows: "And in the fifteenth year, in the reign of Tiberius Caesar, the word of the Lord came to John, the son of Zacharias".
[1:276] And again in the same book: "And Jesus was coming to His baptism, being about thirty years old," and so on.
[1:277] And that it was necessary for Him to preach only a year, this also is written: "He hath sent Me to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord".
[1:278] This both the prophet spake, and the Gospel.
[1:279] Accordingly, in fifteen years of Tiberius and fifteen years of Augustus; so were completed the thirty years till the time He suffered.
[1:280] And from the time that He suffered till the destruction of Jerusalem are forty-two years and three months; and from the destruction of Jerusalem to the death of Commodus, a hundred and twenty-eight years, ten months, and three days.
[1:281] From the birth of Christ, therefore, to the death of Commodus are, in all, a hundred and ninety-four years, one month, thirteen days.
[1:282] And there are those who have determined not only the year of our Lord's birth, but also the day; and they say that it took place in the twenty-eighth year of Augustus, and in the twenty-fifth day of Pachon.
[1:283] And the followers of Basilides hold the day of his baptism as a festival, spending the night before in readings.
[1:284] And they say that it was the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar, the fifteenth day of the month Tubi; and some that it was the eleventh of the same month.
[1:285] And treating of His passion, with very great accuracy, some say that it took place in the sixteenth year of Tiberius, on the twenty-fifth of Phamenoth; and others the twenty-fifth of Pharmuthi and others say that on the nineteenth of Pharmuthi the Saviour suffered.
[1:286] Further, others say that He was born on the twenty-fourth or twenty-fifth of Pharmuthi.
[1:287] We have still to add to our chronology the following,—I mean the days which Daniel indicates from the desolation of Jerusalem, the seven years and seven months of the reign of Vespasian.
[1:288] For the two years are added to the seventeen months and eighteen days of Otho, and Galba, and Vitellius; and the result is three years and six months, which is "the half of the week," as Daniel the prophet said.
[1:289] For he said that there were two thousand three hundred days from the time that the abomination of Nero stood in the holy city, till its destruction.
[1:290] For thus the declaration, which is subjoined, shows: "How long shall be the vision, the sacrifice taken away, the abomination of desolation, which is given, and the power and the holy place shall be trodden under foot? And he said to him, Till the evening and morning, two thousand three hundred days, and the holy place shall be taken away".
[1:291] These two thousand three hundred days, then, make six years four months, during the half of which Nero held sway, and it was half a week; and for a half, Vespasian with Otho, Galba, and Vitellius reigned.
[1:292] And on this account Daniel says, "Blessed is he that cometh to the thousand three hundred and thirty-five days".
[1:293] For up to these days was war, and after them it ceased.
[1:294] And this number is demonstrated from a subsequent chapter, which is as follows: "And from the time of the change of continuation, and of the giving of the abomination of desolation, there shall be a thousand two hundred and ninety days.
[1:295] Blessed is he that waiteth, and cometh to the thousand three hundred and thirty-five days".
[1:296] Flavius Josephus the Jew, who composed the history of the Jews, computing the periods, says that from Moses to David were five hundred and eighty-five years; from David to the second year of Vespasian, a thousand one hundred and seventy-nine; then from that to the tenth year of Antoninus, seventy-seven.
[1:297] So that from Moses to the tenth year of Antoninus there are, in all, two thousand one hundred and thirty-three years.
[1:298] Of others, counting from Inachus and Moses to the death of Commodus, some say there were three thousand one hundred and forty-two years; and others, two thousand eight hundred and thirty-one years.
[1:299] And in the Gospel according to Matthew, the genealogy which begins with Abraham is continued down to Mary the mother of the Lord.
[1:300] "For," it is said, "from Abraham to David are fourteen generations; and from David to the carrying away into Babylon are fourteen generations; and from the carrying away into Babylon till Christ are likewise other fourteen generations,"—three mystic intervals completed in six weeks.
[2:1] Chapter 22—On the Greek Translation of the Old Testament.
[2:2] So much for the details respecting dates, as stated variously by many, and as set down by us.
[2:3] It is said that the Scriptures both of the law and of the prophets were translated from the dialect of the Hebrews into the Greek language in the reign of Ptolemy the son of Lagos, or, according to others, of Ptolemy surnamed Philadelphus; Demetrius Phalereus bringing to this task the greatest earnestness, and employing painstaking accuracy on the materials for the translation.
[2:4] For the Macedonians being still in possession of Asia, and the king being ambitious of adorning the library he had at Alexandria with all writings, desired the people of Jerusalem to translate the prophecies they possessed into the Greek dialect.
[2:5] And they being the subjects of the Macedonians, selected from those of highest character among them seventy elders, versed in the Scriptures, and skilled in the Greek dialect, and sent them to him with the divine books.
[2:6] And each having severally translated each prophetic book, and all the translations being compared together, they agreed both in meaning and expression.
[2:7] For it was the counsel of God carried out for the benefit of Grecian ears.
[2:8] It was not alien to the inspiration of God, who gave the prophecy, also to produce the translation, and make it as it were Greek prophecy.
[2:9] Since the Scriptures having perished in the captivity of Nabuchodonosor, Esdras the Levite, the priest, in the time of Artaxerxes king of the Persians, having become inspired in the exercise of prophecy restored again the whole of the ancient Scriptures.
[2:10] And Aristobulus, in his first book addressed to Philometor, writes in these words: "And Plato followed the laws given to us, and had manifestly studied all that is said in them".
[2:11] And before Demetrius there had been translated by another, previous to the dominion of Alexander and of the Persians, the account of the departure of our countrymen the Hebrews from Egypt, and the fame of all that happened to them, and their taking possession of the land, and the account of the whole code of laws; so that it is perfectly clear that the above-mentioned philosopher derived a great deal from this source, for he was very learned, as also Pythagoras, who transferred many things from our books to his own system of doctrines.
[2:12] And Numenius, the Pythagorean philosopher, expressly writes: "For what is Plato, but Moses speaking in Attic Greek?" This Moses was a theologian and prophet, and as some say, an interpreter of sacred laws.
[2:13] His family, his deeds, and life, are related by the Scriptures themselves, which are worthy of all credit; but have nevertheless to be stated by us also as well as we can.
[3:1] Chapter 23—The Age, Birth, and Life of Moses.
[3:2] Moses, originally of a Chaldean family, was born in Egypt, his ancestors having migrated from Babylon into Egypt on account of a protracted famine.
[3:3] Born in the seventh generation, and having received a royal education, the following are the circumstances of his history.
[3:4] The Hebrews having increased in Egypt to a great multitude, and the king of the country being afraid of insurrection in consequence of their numbers, he ordered all the female children born to the Hebrews to be reared (woman being unfit for war), but the male to be destroyed, being suspicious of stalwart youth.
[3:5] But the child being goodly, his parents nursed him secretly three months, natural affection being too strong for the monarch's cruelty.
[3:6] But at last, dreading lest they should be destroyed along with the child, they made a basket of the papyrus that grew there, put the child in it, and laid it on the banks of the marshy river.
[3:7] The child's sister stood at a distance, and watched what would happen.
[3:8] In this emergency, the king's daughter, who for a long time had not been pregnant, and who longed for a child, came that day to the river to bathe and wash herself; and hearing the child cry, she ordered it to be brought to her; and touched with pity, sought a nurse.
[3:9] At that moment the child's sister ran up, and said that, if she wished, she could procure for her as nurse one of the Hebrew women who had recently had a child.
[3:10] And on her consenting and desiring her to do so, she brought the child's mother to be nurse for a stipulated fee, as if she had been some other person.
[3:11] Thereupon the queen gave the babe the name of Moses, with etymological propriety, from his being drawn out of "the water,"—for the Egyptians call water "mou,"—in which he had been exposed to die.
[3:12] For they call Moses one who "who breathed on being taken from the water".
[3:13] It is clear that previously the parents gave a name to the child on his circumcision; and he was called Joachim.
[3:14] And he had a third name in heaven, after his ascension, as the mystics say—Melchi.
[3:15] Having reached the proper age, he was taught arithmetic, geometry, poetry, harmony, and besides, medicine and music, by those that excelled in these arts among the Egyptians; and besides, the philosophy which is conveyed by symbols, which they point out in the hieroglyphical inscriptions.
[3:16] The rest of the usual course of instruction, Greeks taught him in Egypt as a royal child, as Philo says in his life of Moses.
[3:17] He learned, besides, the literature of the Egyptians, and the knowledge of the heavenly bodies from the Chaldeans and the Egyptians; whence in the Acts he is said "to have been instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians".
[3:18] And Eupolemus, in his book On the Kings in Judea, says that "Moses was the first wise man, and the first that imparted grammar to the Jews, that the Phoenicians received it from the Jews, and the Greeks from the Phoenicians".
[3:19] And betaking himself to their philosophy, he increased his wisdom, being ardently attached to the training received from his kindred and ancestors, till he struck and slew the Egyptian who wrongfully attacked the Hebrew.
[3:20] And the mystics say that he slew the Egyptian by a word only; as, certainly, Peter in the Acts is related to have slain by speech those who appropriated part of the price of the field, and lied.
[3:21] And so Artapanus, in his work On the Jews, relates "that Moses, being shut up in custody by Chenephres, king of the Egyptians, on account of the people demanding to be let go from Egypt, the prison being opened by night, by the interposition of God, went forth, and reaching the palace, stood before the king as he slept, and aroused him; and that the latter, struck with what had taken place, bade Moses tell him the name of the God who had sent him; and that he, bending forward, told him in his ear; and that the king on hearing it fell speechless, but being supported by Moses, revived again".
[3:22] And respecting the education of Moses, we shall find a harmonious account in Ezekiel, the composer of Jewish tragedies in the drama entitled The Exodus.
[3:23] He thus writes in the person of Moses:— "For, seeing our race abundantly increase, His treacherous snares King Pharaoh 'gainst us laid, And cruelly in brick-kilns some of us, And some, in toilsome works of building, plagued.
[3:24] And towns and towers by toil of ill-starred men He raised.
[3:25] Then to the Hebrew race proclaimed, That each male child should in deep-flowing Nile Be drowned.
[3:26] My mother bore and hid me then Three months (so afterwards she told).
[3:27] Then took, And me adorned with fair array, and placed On the deep sedgy marsh by Nilus bank, While Miriam, my sister, watched afar.
[3:28] Then, with her maids, the daughter of the king, To bathe her beauty in the cleansing stream, Came near, straight saw, and took and raised me up; And knew me for a Hebrew.
[3:29] Miriam My sister to the princess ran, and said, 'Is it thy pleasure, that I haste and find A nurse for thee to rear this child Among the Hebrew women?' The princess Gave assent.
[3:30] The maiden to her mother sped, And told, who quick appeared.
[3:31] My own Dear mother took me in her arms.
[3:32] Then said The daughter of the king: 'Nurse me this child, And I will give thee wages.
[3:33] 'And my name Moses she called, because she drew and saved Me from the waters on the river's bank.
[3:34] And when the days of childhood had flown by, My mother brought me to the palace where The princess dwelt, after disclosing all About my ancestry, and God's great gifts.
[3:35] In boyhood's years I royal nurture had, And in all princely exercise was trained, As if the princess's very son.
[3:36] But when The circling days had run their course, I left the royal palace".
[3:37] Then, after relating the combat between the Hebrew and the Egyptian, and the burying of the Egyptian in the sand, he says of the other contest:— "Why strike one feebler than thyself? And he rejoined: Who made thee judge o'er us, Or ruler? Wilt thou slay me, as thou didst Him yesterday? And I in terror said, How is this known?" Then he fled from Egypt and fed sheep, being thus trained beforehand for pastoral rule.
[3:38] For the shepherd's life is a preparation for sovereignty in the case of him who is destined to rule over the peaceful flock of men, as the chase for those who are by nature warlike.
[3:39] Thence God brought him to lead the Hebrews.
[3:40] Then the Egyptians, oft admonished, continued unwise; and the Hebrews were spectators of the calamities that others suffered, learning in safety the power of God.
[3:41] And when the Egyptians gave no heed to the effects of that power, through their foolish infatuation disbelieving, then, as is said, "the children knew" what was done; and the Hebrews afterwards going forth, departed carrying much spoil from the Egyptians, not for avarice, as the cavillers say, for God did not persuade them to covet what belonged to others.
[3:42] But, in the first place, they took wages for the services they had rendered the Egyptians all the time; and then in a way recompensed the Egyptians, by afflicting them in requital as avaricious, by the abstraction of the booty, as they had done the Hebrews by enslaving them.
[3:43] Whether, then, as may be alleged is done in war, they thought it proper, in the exercise of the rights of conquerors, to take away the property of their enemies, as those who have gained the day do from those who are worsted (and there was just cause of hostilities.
[3:44] The Hebrews came as suppliants to the Egyptians on account of famine; and they, reducing their guests to slavery, compelled them to serve them after the manner of captives, giving them no recompense); or as in peace, took the spoil as wages against the will of those who for a long period had given them no recompense, but rather had robbed them, it is all one.
[4:1] Chapter 24—How Moses Discharged the Part of a Military Leader.
[4:2] Our Moses then is a prophet, a legislator, skilled in military tactics and strategy, a politician, a philosopher.
[4:3] And in what sense he was a prophet, shall be by and by told, when we come to treat of prophecy.
[4:4] Tactics belong to military command, and the ability to command an army is among the attributes of kingly rule.
[4:5] Legislation, again, is also one of the functions of the kingly office, as also judicial authority.
[4:6] Of the kingly office one kind is divine,—that which is according to God and His holy Son, by whom both the good things which are of the earth, and external and perfect felicity too, are supplied.
[4:7] "For," it is said, "seek what is great, and the little things shall be added".
[4:8] And there is a second kind of royalty, inferior to that administration which is purely rational and divine, which brings to the task of government merely the high mettle of the soul; after which fashion Hercules ruled the Argives, and Alexander the Macedonians.
[4:9] The third kind is what aims after one thing—merely to conquer and overturn; but to turn conquest either to a good or a bad purpose, belongs not to such rule.
[4:10] Such was the aim of the Persians in their campaign against Greece.
[4:11] For, on the one hand, fondness for strife is solely the result of passion, and acquires power solely for the sake of domination; while, on the other, the love of good is characteristic of a soul which uses its high spirit for noble ends.
[4:12] The fourth, the worst of all, is the sovereignty which acts according to the promptings of the passions, as that of Sardanapalus, and those who propose to themselves as their end the gratification of the passions to the utmost.
[4:13] But the instrument of regal sway—the instrument at once of that which overcomes by virtue, and that which does so by force—is the power of managing (or tact).
[4:14] And it varies according to the nature and the material.
[4:15] In the case of arms and of fighting animals the ordering power is the soul and mind, by means animate and inanimate; and in the case of the passions of the soul, which we master by virtue, reason is the ordering power, by affixing the seal of continence and self-restraint, along with holiness, and sound knowledge with truth, making the result of the whole to terminate in piety towards God.
[4:16] For it is wisdom which regulates in the case of those who so practice virtue; and divine things are ordered by wisdom, and human affairs by politics—all things by the kingly faculty.
[4:17] He is a king, then, who governs according to the laws, and possesses the skill to sway willing subjects.
[4:18] Such is the Lord, who receives all who believe on Him and by Him.
[4:19] For the Father has delivered and subjected all to Christ our King, "that at the name of Jesus every knee may bow, of things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth, and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father".
[4:20] Now, generalship involves three ideas: caution, enterprise, and the union of the two.
[4:21] And each of these consists of three things, acting as they do either by word, or by deeds, or by both together.
[4:22] And all this can be accomplished either by persuasion, or by compulsion, or by inflicting harm in the way of taking vengeance on those who ought to be punished; and this either by doing what is right, or by telling what is untrue, or by telling what is true, or by adopting any of these means conjointly at the same time.
[4:23] Now, the Greeks had the advantage of receiving from Moses all these, and the knowledge of how to make use of each of them.
[4:24] And, for the sake of example, I shall cite one or two instances of leadership.
[4:25] Moses, on leading the people forth, suspecting that the Egyptians would pursue, left the short and direct route, and turned to the desert, and marched mostly by night.
[4:26] For it was another kind of arrangement by which the Hebrews were trained in the great wilderness, and for a protracted time, to belief in the existence of one God alone, being inured by the wise discipline of endurance to which they were subjected.
[4:27] The strategy of Moses, therefore, shows the necessity of discerning what will be of service before the approach of dangers, and so to encounter them.
[4:28] It turned out precisely as he suspected, for the Egyptians pursued with horses and chariots, but were quickly destroyed by the sea breaking on them and overwhelming them with their horses and chariots, so that not a remnant of them was left.
[4:29] Afterwards the pillar of fire, which accompanied them (for it went before them as a guide), conducted the Hebrews by night through an untrodden region, training and bracing them, by toils and hardships, to manliness and endurance, that after their experience of what appeared formidable difficulties, the benefits of the land, to which from the trackless desert he was conducting them, might become apparent.
[4:30] Furthermore, he put to flight and slew the hostile occupants of the land, falling upon them from a desert and rugged line of march (such was the excellence of his generalship).
[4:31] For the taking of the land of those hostile tribes was a work of skill and strategy.
[4:32] Perceiving this, Miltiades, the Athenian general, who conquered the Persians in battle at Marathon, imitated it in the following fashion.
[4:33] Marching over a trackless desert, he led on the Athenians by night, and eluded the barbarians that were set to watch him.
[4:34] For Hippias, who had deserted from the Athenians, conducted the barbarians into Attica, and seized and held the points of vantage, in consequence of having a knowledge of the ground.
[4:35] The task was then to elude Hippias.
[4:36] Whence rightly Miltiades, traversing the desert and attacking by night the Persians commanded by Dates, led his soldiers to victory.
[4:37] But further, when Thrasybulus was bringing back the exiles from Phyla, and wished to elude observation, a pillar became his guide as he marched over a trackless region.
[4:38] To Thrasybulus by night, the sky being moonless and stormy, a fire appeared leading the way, which, having conducted them safely, left them near Munychia, where is now the altar of the light-bringer (Phosphorus).
[4:39] From such an instance, therefore, let our accounts become credible to the Greeks, namely, that it was possible for the omnipotent God to make the pillar of fire, which was their guide on their march, go before the Hebrews by night.
[4:40] It is said also in a certain oracle,— "A pillar to the Thebans is joy-inspiring Bacchus," from the history of the Hebrews.
[4:41] Also Euripides says, in Antiope,— "In the chambers within, the herdsman, With chaplet of ivy, pillar of the Evoean god".
[4:42] The pillar indicates that God cannot be portrayed.
[4:43] The pillar of light, too, in addition to its pointing out that God cannot be represented, shows also the stability and the permanent duration of the Deity, and His unchangeable and inexpressible light.
[4:44] Before, then, the invention of the forms of images, the ancients erected pillars, and reverenced them as statues of the Deity.
[4:45] Accordingly, he who composed the Phoronis writes,— "Callithoe, key-bearer of the Olympian queen: Argive Hera, who first with fillets and with fringes The queen's tall column all around adorned".
[4:46] Further, the author of Europia relates that the statue of Apollo at Delphi was a pillar in these words:— "That to the god first-fruits and tithes we may On sacred pillars and on lofty column hang".
[4:47] Apollo, interpreted mystically by "privation of many," means the one God.
[4:48] Well, then, that fire like a pillar, and the fire in the desert, is the symbol of the holy light which passed through from earth and returned again to heaven, by the wood of the cross, by which also the gift of intellectual vision was bestowed on us.
[5:1] Chapter 25—Plato an Imitator of Moses in Framing Laws.
[5:2] Plato the philosopher, aided in legislation by the books of Moses, censured the polity of Minos, and that of Lycurgus, as having bravery alone as their aim; while he praised as more seemly the polity which expresses some one thing, and directs according to one precept.
[5:3] For he says that it becomes us to philosophize with strength, and dignity, and wisdom,—holding unalterably the same opinions about the same things, with reference to the dignity of heaven.
[5:4] Accordingly, therefore, he interprets what is in the law, enjoining us to look to one God and to do justly.
[5:5] Of politics, he says there are two kinds,—the department of law, and that of politics, strictly so called.
[5:6] And he refers to the Creator, as the Statesman (ὁ πολιτικός) by way of eminence, in his book of this name (ὁ πολιτικός); and those who lead an active and just life, combined with contemplation, he calls statesmen (πολιτικοί).
[5:7] That department of politics which is called "Law," he divides into administrative magnanimity and private good order, which he calls orderliness; and harmony, and sobriety, which are seen when rulers suit their subjects, and subjects are obedient to their rulers; a result which the system of Moses sedulously aims at effecting.
[5:8] Further, that the department of law is founded on generation, that of politics on friendship and consent, Plato, with the aid he received, affirms; and so, coupled with the laws the philosopher in the Epinomis, who knew the course of all generation, which takes place by the instrumentality of the planets; and the other philosopher, Timaeus, who was an astronomer and student of the motions of the stars, and of their sympathy and association with one another, he consequently joined to the "polity" (or "republic").
[5:9] Then, in my opinion, the end both of the statesman, and of him who lives according to the law, is contemplation.
[5:10] It is necessary, therefore, that public affairs should be rightly managed.
[5:11] But to philosophize is best.
[5:12] For he who is wise will live concentrating all his energies on knowledge, directing his life by good deeds, despising the opposite, and following the pursuits which contribute to truth.
[5:13] And the law is not what is decided by law (for what is seen is not vision), nor every opinion (not certainly what is evil).
[5:14] But law is the opinion which is good, and what is good is that which is true, and what is true is that which finds "true being," and attains to it.
[5:15] "He who is," says Moses, "sent me".
[5:16] In accordance with which, namely, good opinion, some have called law, right reason, which enjoins what is to be done and forbids what is not to be done.
[6:1] Chapter 26—Moses Rightly Called a Divine Legislator, And, Though Inferior to Christ, Far Superior to the Great Legislators of the Greeks, Minos and Lycurgus.
[6:2] Whence the law was rightly said to have been given by Moses, being a rule of right and wrong; and we may call it with accuracy the divine ordinance (θεσμός), inasmuch as it was given by God through Moses.
[6:3] It accordingly conducts to the divine.
[6:4] Paul says: "The law was instituted because of transgressions, till the seed should come, to whom the promise was made".
[6:5] Then, as if in explanation of his meaning, he adds: "But before faith came, we were kept under the law, shut up," manifestly through fear, in consequence of sins, "unto the faith which should afterwards be revealed; so that the law was a schoolmaster to bring us to Christ, that we should be justified by faith".
[6:6] The true legislator is he who assigns to each department of the soul what is suitable to it and to its operations.
[6:7] Now Moses, to speak comprehensively, was a living law, governed by the benign Word.
[6:8] Accordingly, he furnished a good polity, which is the right discipline of men in social life.
[6:9] He also handled the administration of justice, which is that branch of knowledge which deals with the correction of transgressors in the interests of justice.
[6:10] Co-ordinate with it is the faculty of dealing with punishments, which is a knowledge of the due measure to be observed in punishments.
[6:11] And punishment, in virtue of its being so, is the correction of the soul.
[6:12] In a word, the whole system of Moses is suited for the training of such as are capable of becoming good and noble men, and for hunting out men like them; and this is the art of command.
[6:13] And that wisdom, which is capable of treating rightly those who have been caught by the Word, is legislative wisdom.
[6:14] For it is the property of this wisdom, being most kingly, to possess and use, It is the wise man, therefore, alone whom the philosophers proclaim king, legislator, general, just, holy, God-beloved.
[6:15] And if we discover these qualities in Moses, as shown from the Scriptures themselves, we may, with the most assured persuasion, pronounce Moses to be truly wise.
[6:16] As then we say that it belongs to the shepherd's art to care for the sheep; for so "the good shepherd giveth his life for the sheep;" so also we shall say that legislation,inasmuch as it presides over and cares for the flock of men, establishes the virtue of men, by fanning into flame, as far as it can, what good there is in humanity.
[6:17] And if the flock figuratively spoken of as belonging to the Lord is nothing but a flock of men, then He Himself is the good Shepherd and Lawgiver of the one flock, "of the sheep who hear Him," the one who cares for them, "seeking," and finding by the law and the word, "that which was lost;" since, in truth, the law is spiritual and leads to felicity.
[6:18] For that which has arisen through the Holy Spirit is spiritual.
[6:19] And he is truly a legislator, who not only announces what is good and noble, but understands it.
[6:20] The law of this man who possesses knowledge is the saving precept; or rather, the law is the precept of knowledge.
[6:21] For the Word is "the power and the wisdom of God".
[6:22] Again, the expounder of the laws is the same one by whom the law was given; the first expounder of the divine commands, who unveiled the bosom of the Father, the only-begotten Son.
[6:23] Then those who obey the law, since they have some knowledge of Him, cannot disbelieve or be ignorant of the truth.
[6:24] But those who disbelieve, and have shown a repugnance to engage in the works of the law, whoever else may, certainly confess their ignorance of the truth.
[6:25] What, then, is the unbelief of the Greeks? Is it not their unwillingness to believe the truth which declares that the law was divinely given by Moses, whilst they honour Moses in their own writers? They relate that Minos received the laws from Zeus in nine years, by frequenting the cave of Zeus; and Plato, and Aristotle, and Ephorus write that Lycurgus was trained in legislation by going constantly to Apollo at Delphi.
[6:26] Chamaeleo of Heraclea, in his book On Drunkenness, and Aristotle in The Polity of Locrians, mention that Zaleucus the Locrian received the laws from Athene.
[6:27] But those who exalt the credit of Greek legislation as far as in them lies, by referring it to a divine source, after the model of Mosaic prophecy, are senseless in not owning the truth, and the archetype of what is related among them.
[7:1] Chapter 27—The Law, Even in Correcting and Punishing, Aims at the Good of Men.
[7:2] Let no, one then, run down law, as if, on account of the penalty, it were not beautiful and good.
[7:3] For shall he who drives away bodily disease appear a benefactor; and shall not he who attempts to deliver the soul from iniquity, as much more appear a friend, as the soul is a more precious thing than the body? Besides, for the sake of bodily health we submit to incisions, and cauterizations, and medicinal draughts; and he who administers them is called saviour and healer, even though amputating parts, not from grudge or ill-will towards the patient, but as the principles of the art prescribe, so that the sound parts may not perish along with them, and no one accuses the physician's art of wickedness; and shall we not similarly submit, for the soul's sake, to either banishment, or punishment, or bonds, provided only from unrighteousness we shall attain to righteousness? For the law, in its solicitude for those who obey, trains up to piety, and prescribes what is to be done, and restrains each one from sins, imposing penalties even on lesser sins.
[7:4] But when it sees any one in such a condition as to appear incurable, posting to the last stage of wickedness, then in its solicitude for the rest, that they may not be destroyed by it (just as if amputating a part from the whole body), it condemns such an one to death, as the course most conducive to health.
[7:5] "Being judged by the Lord," says the apostle, "we are chastened, that we may not be condemned with the world".
[7:6] For the prophet had said before, "Chastening, the Lord hath chastised me, but hath not given me over unto death".
[7:7] "For in order to teach thee His righteousness," it is said, "He chastised thee and tried thee, and made thee to hunger and thirst in the desert land; that all His statutes and His judgments may be known in thy heart, as I command thee this day; and that thou mayest know in thine heart, that just as if a man were chastising his son, so the Lord our God shall chastise thee".
[7:8] And to prove that example corrects, he says directly to the purpose: "A clever man, when he seeth the wicked punished, will himself be severely chastised, for the fear of the Lord is the source of wisdom".
[7:9] But it is the highest and most perfect good, when one is able to lead back any one from the practice of evil to virtue and well-doing, which is the very function of the law.
[7:10] So that, when one fails into any incurable evil,—when taken possession of, for example, by wrong or covetousness,—it will be for his good if he is put to death.
[7:11] For the law is beneficent, being able to make some righteous from unrighteous, if they will only give ear to it, and by releasing others from present evils; for those who have chosen to live temperately and justly, it conducts to immortality.
[7:12] To know the law is characteristic of a good disposition.
[7:13] And again: "Wicked men do not understand the law; but they who seek the Lord shall have understanding in all that is good".
[7:14] It is essential, certainly, that the providence which manages all, be both supreme and good.
[7:15] For it is the power of both that dispenses salvation—the one correcting by punishment, as supreme, the other showing kindness in the exercise of beneficence, as a benefactor.
[7:16] It is in your power not to be a son of disobedience, but to pass from darkness to life, and lending your ear to wisdom, to be the legal slave of God, in the first instance, and then to become a faithful servant, fearing the Lord God.
[7:17] And if one ascend higher, he is enrolled among the sons.
[7:18] But when "charity covers the multitude of sins," by the consummation of the blessed hope, then may we welcome him as one who has been enriched in love, and received into the elect adoption, which is called the beloved of God, while he chants the prayer, saying, "Let the Lord be my God".
[7:19] The beneficent action of the law, the apostle showed in the passage relating to the Jews, writing thus: "Behold, thou art called a Jew and restest in the law, and makest thy boast in God, and knowest the will of God, and approvest the things that are more excellent, being instructed out of the law, and art confident that thou thyself art a guide of the blind, a light of them who are in darkness, an instructor of the foolish, a teacher of babes, who hast the form of knowledge and of truth in the law".
[7:20] For it is admitted that such is the power of the law, although those whose conduct is not according to the law, make a false pretence, as if they lived in the law.
[7:21] "Blessed is the man that hath found wisdom, and the mortal who has seen understanding; for out of its mouth," manifestly Wisdom's, "proceeds righteousness, and it bears law and mercy on its tongue".
[7:22] For both the law and the Gospel are the energy of one Lord, who is "the power and wisdom of God;" and the terror which the law begets is merciful and in order to salvation.
[7:23] "Let not alms, and faith, and truth fail thee, but hang them around thy neck".
[7:24] In the same way as Paul, prophecy upbraids the people with not understanding the law.
[7:25] "Destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace have they not known".
[7:26] "There is no fear of God before their eyes".
[7:27] "Professing themselves wise, they became fools".
[7:28] "And we know that the law is good, if a man use it lawfully".
[7:29] "Desiring to be teachers of the law, they understand," says the apostle, "neither what they say, nor whereof they affirm".
[7:30] "Now the end of the commandment is charity out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned".
[8:1] Chapter 28—The Fourfold Division of the Mosaic Law.
[8:2] The Mosaic philosophy is accordingly divided into four parts,—into the historic, and that which is specially called the legislative, which two properly belong to an ethical treatise; and the third, that which relates to sacrifice, which belongs to physical science; and the fourth, above all, the department of theology, "vision," which Plato predicates of the truly great mysteries.
[8:3] And this species Aristotle calls metaphysics.
[8:4] Dialectics, according to Plato, is, as he says in The Statesman, a science devoted to the discovery of the explanation of things.
[8:5] And it is to be acquired by the wise man, not for the sake of saying or doing aught of what we find among men (as the dialecticians, who occupy themselves in sophistry, do), but to be able to say and do, as far as possible, what is pleasing to God.
[8:6] But the true dialectic, being philosophy mixed with truth, by examining things, and testing forces and powers, gradually ascends in relation to the most excellent essence of all, and essays to go beyond to the God of the universe, professing not the knowledge of mortal affairs, but the science of things divine and heavenly; in accordance with which follows a suitable course of practice with respect to words and deeds, even in human affairs.
[8:7] Rightly, therefore, the Scripture, in its desire to make us such dialecticians, exhorts us: "Be ye skilful money-changers" rejecting some things, but retaining what is good.
[8:8] For this true dialectic is the science which analyses the objects of thought, and shows abstractly and by itself the individual substratum of existences, or the power of dividing things into genera, which descends to their most special properties, and presents each individual object to be contemplated simply such as it is.
[8:9] Wherefore it alone conducts to the true wisdom, which is the divine power which deals with the knowledge of entities as entities, which grasps what is perfect, and is freed from all passion; not without the Saviour, who withdraws, by the divine word, the gloom of ignorance arising from evil training, which had overspread the eye of the soul, and bestows the best of gifts,— "That we might well know or God or man".
[8:10] It is He who truly shows how we are to know ourselves.
[8:11] It is He who reveals the Father of the universe to whom He wills, and as far as human nature can comprehend.
[8:12] "For no man knoweth the Son but the Father, nor the Father but the Son, and he to whom the Son shall reveal Him".
[8:13] Rightly, then, the apostle says that it was by revelation that he knew the mystery: "As I wrote afore in few words, according as ye are able to understand my knowledge in the mystery of Christ".
[8:14] "According as ye are able," he said, since he knew that some had received milk only, and had not yet received meat, nor even milk simply.
[8:15] The sense of the law is to be taken in three ways,—either as exhibiting a symbol, or laying down a precept for right conduct, or as uttering a prophecy.
[8:16] But I well know that it belongs to men of full age to distinguish and declare these things.
[8:17] For the whole Scripture is not in its meaning a single Myconos, as the proverbial expression has it; but those who hunt after the connection of the divine teaching, must approach it with the utmost perfection of the logical faculty.
[9:1] Chapter 29—The Greeks But Children Compared with the Hebrews.
[9:2] Whence most beautifully the Egyptian priest in Plato said, "O Solon, Solon, you Greeks are always children, not having in your souls a single ancient opinion received through tradition from antiquity.
[9:3] And not one of the Greeks is an old man;" meaning by old, I suppose, those who know what belongs to the more remote antiquity, that is, our literature; and by young, those who treat of what is more recent and made the subject of study by the Greeks,—things of yesterday and of recent date as if they were old and ancient.
[9:4] Wherefore he added, "and no study hoary with time;" for we, in a kind of barbarous way, deal in homely and rugged metaphor.
[9:5] Those, therefore, whose minds are rightly constituted approach the interpretation utterly destitute of artifice.
[9:6] And of the Greeks, he says that their opinions" differ but little from myths".
[9:7] For neither puerile fables nor stories current among children are fit for listening to.
[9:8] And he called the myths themselves "children," as if the progeny of those, wise in their own conceits among the Greeks, who had but little insight; meaning by the "hoary studies" the truth which was possessed by the barbarians, dating from the highest antiquity.
[9:9] To which expression he opposed the phrase "child fable," censuring the mythical character of the attempts of the moderns, as, like children, having nothing of age in them, and affirming both in common—their fables and their speeches—to be puerile.
[9:10] Divinely, therefore, the power which spoke to Hermas by revelation said, "The visions and revelations are for those who are of double mind, who doubt in their hearts if these things are or are not".
[9:11] Similarly, also, demonstrations from the resources of erudition, strengthen, confirm, and establish demonstrative reasonings, in so far as men's minds are in a wavering state like young people's.
[9:12] "The good commandment," then, according to the Scripture, "is a lamp, and the law is a light to the path; for instruction corrects the ways of life".
[9:13] "Law is monarch of all, both of mortals and of immortals," says Pindar.
[9:14] I understand, however, by these words, Him who enacted law.
[9:15] And I regard, as spoken of the God of all, the following utterance of Hesiod, though spoken by the poet at random and not with comprehension:— "For the Saturnian framed for men this law: Fishes, and beasts, and winged birds may eat Each other, since no rule of right is theirs; But Right (by far the best) to men he gave".
[9:16] Whether, then, it be the law which is connate and natural, or that given afterwards, which is meant, it is certainly of God; and both the law of nature and that of instruction are one.
[9:17] Thus also Plato, in The Statesman, says that the lawgiver is one; and in The Laws, that he who shall understand music is one; teaching by these words that the Word is one, and God is one.
[9:18] And Moses manifestly calls the Lord a covenant: "Behold I am my Covenant with thee," having previously told him not to seek the covenant in writing.
[9:19] For it is a covenant which God, the Author of all, makes.
[9:20] For God is called Θεός, from θέσις (placing), and order or arrangement.
[9:21] And in the Preaching of Peter you will find the Lord called Law and Word.
[9:22] But at this point, let our first Miscellany of gnostic notes, according to the true philosophy, come to a close.
[9:23] Elucidations.
[9:24] I.
[9:25] (Purpose of the Stromata) The Alexandrian Gnostics were the pestilent outgrowth of pseudo-Platonism; and nobody could comprehend their root-errors, and their branching thorns and thistles, better than Clement.
[9:26] His superiority in philosophy and classical culture was exhibited, therefore, in his writings, as a necessary preliminary.
[9:27] Like a good nautical combatant, his effort was to "get to windward," and so bear down upon the enemy (to use an anachronism) with heavy-shotted broadsides.
[9:28] And we must not blame Clement for his plan of "taking the wind out of their sails," by showing that an eclectic philosophy might be made to harmonize with the Gospel.
[9:29] His plan was that of melting the gold out of divers ores, and throwing the dross away.
[9:30] Pure gold, he argues, is gold wherever it may be found, and even in the purse of "thieves and robbers".
[9:31] So, then, he "takes from them the armour in which they trusted, and divides the spoils".
[9:32] He will not concede to them the name of "Gnostics," but wrests it from them, just as we reclaim the name of "Catholics" from the Tridentine innovators, who have imposed a modern creed (and are constantly adding to it) upon the Latin churches.
[9:33] Here, then, let me quote the Account of Bishop Kaye.
[9:34] He says, "The object of Clement, in composing the Stromata, was to describe the true 'Gnostic,' or perfect Christian, in order to furnish the believer with a model for his imitation, and to prevent him from being led astray by the representations of the Valentinians and other gnostic sects".
[9:35] … "Before we proceed to consider his description of the Gnostic, however, it will be necessary briefly to review his opinions respecting the nature and condition of man".
[9:36] Here follows a luminous analysis (occupying pp.
[9:37] – of Kaye's work), after which he says,— "The foregoing brief notice of Clement's opinions respecting man, his soul, and his fallen state, appeared necessary as an introduction to the description of the true Gnostic.
[9:38] By γνῶσις, Clement understood the perfect knowledge of all that relates to God, His nature, and dispensations.
[9:39] He speaks of a twofold knowledge,—one, common to all men, and born of sense; the other, the genuine γνῶσις, bred from the intellect, the mind, and its reason.
[9:40] This latter is not born with men, but must be gained and by practice formed into a habit.
[9:41] The initiated find its perfection in a loving mysticism, which this never-failing love makes lasting".
[9:42] So, further, this learned analyst, not blindly, but always with scientific conscience and judicial impartiality, expounds his author; and, without some such guide, I despair of securing the real interest of the youthful student.
[9:43] Butler's Analogy and Aristotle's Ethics are always analyzed for learners, by editors of their works; and hence I have ventured to direct attention to this "guide, philosopher, and friend" of my own inquiries.
[9:44] 2 (Pantaenus and His School.
[9:45] ) The catechetical school at Alexandria was already ancient; for Eusebius describes it as ἐξ ἀρχαίου ἔθουςand St.
[9:46] Jerome dates its origin from the first planting of Christianity.
[9:47] Many things conspired to make this city the very head of Catholic Christendom, at this time; for the whole East centred here, and the East was Christendom while the West was yet a missionary field almost entirely.
[9:48] Demetrius, then bishop, at the times with which we are now concerned, sent Pantaenus to convert the Hindoos, and, whatever his success or failure there, he brought back reports that Christians were there before him, the offspring of St.
[9:49] Bartholomew's preaching; and, in proof thereof, he brought with him a copy of St.
[9:50] Matthew's Gospel in the Hebrew tongue which became one of the treasures of the church on the Nile.
[9:51] But it deserves note, that, because of the learning concentrated in this place, the bishops of Alexandria were, from the beginning, the great authorities as to the Easter cycle and the annual computation of Easter, which new created the science of astronomy as one result.
[9:52] The Council of Nice, in settling the laws for the observance of the Feast of the Resurrection, extended the function of the Alexandrian See in this respect; for it was charged with the duty of giving notice of the day when Easter should fall every year, to all the churches.
[9:53] And easily might an ambitious primate of Egypt have imagined himself superior to all other bishops at that time; for, as Bingham observes, he was the greatest in the world, "for the absoluteness of his power, and the extent of his jurisdiction".
[9:54] And this greatness of Alexandria was ancient, we must remember, at the Nicene epoch; for their celebrated canon (6) reads, "Let ancient customs prevail; so that in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, the Bishop of Alexandria shall have power over all these".
[9:55] Similar powers and privileges, over their own regions, were recognised in Rome and Antioch.
[9:56] 3 (Tradition.
[9:57] ) The apostles distinguish between vain traditions of the Jews, and their own Christian παραδόσειςthe tradita apostolica ( Tim.
[9:58] 1 - , ; Tim.
[9:59] 2 - ; Cor.
[9:60] 11 - ; Thess.
[9:61] 3 - ; Cor.
[9:62] 5 - ; Cor.
[9:63] 16 - ).
[9:64] Among these were () the authentication of their own Scriptures; () certain "forms of sound words," afterwards digested into liturgies; () the rules for celebrating the Lord's Supper, and of administering baptism; () the Christian Passover and the weekly Lord's Day; () the Jewish Sabbath and ordinances, how far to be respected while the temple yet stood; () the kiss of charity, and other observances of public worship; () the agapae, the rules about widows, etc.
[9:65] In some degree these were the secret of the Church, with which "strangers intermeddled not" lawfully.
[9:66] The Lord's Supper was celebrated after the catechumens and mere hearers had withdrawn, and nobody was suffered to be present without receiving the sacrament.
[9:67] But, after the conversion of the empire, the canons and constitutions universally dispersed made public all these tradita; and the liturgies also were everywhere made known.
[9:68] It is idle, therefore, to shelter under theories of the Disciplina Arcani, those Middle-Age inventions, of which antiquity shows no trace but in many ways contradicts emphatically; e.
[9:69] g.
[9:70] , the Eucharist, celebrated after the withdrawal of the non-communicants, and received, in both kinds, by all present, cannot be pleaded as the "secret" which justifies a ceremony in an unknown tongue and otherwise utterly different; in which the priest alone partakes, in which the cup is denied to the laity and which is exhibited with great pomp before all comers with no general participation.
[9:71] 4 (Esoteric Doctrine.
[9:72] ) Early Christians, according to Clement, taught to all alike, () all things necessary to salvation, () all the whole Scriptures, and () all the apostolic traditions.
[9:73] This is evident from passages noted here and hereafter.
[9:74] But, in the presence of the heathen, they remembered our Lord's words, and were careful not "to cast pearls before swine".
[9:75] Like St.
[9:76] Paul before Felix, they "reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come," when dealing with men who knew not God, preaching Christ to them in a practical way.
[9:77] In their instructions to the churches, they were able to say with the same apostle, "I am pure from the blood of all men, for I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God".
[9:78] Yet, even in the Church, they fed babes with milk, and the more intelligent with the meat of God's word.
[9:79] What that meat was, we discover in the Stromata, when our author defines the true Gnostic, who follows whithersoever God leads him in the divinely inspired Scriptures.
[9:80] He recognises many who merely taste the Scriptures as believers; but the true Gnostic is a gnomon of truth, an index to others of the whole knowledge of Christ.
[9:81] What we teach children in the Sunday school, and what we teach young men in the theological seminary, must illustrate the two ideas; the same truths to babes in element, but to men in all their bearings and relations.
[9:82] The defenders of the modern creed of Pius the Fourth (a.
[9:83] d.
[9:84] ), finding no authority in Holy Scripture for most of its peculiarities, which are all imposed as requisite to salvation as if it were the Apostles' Creed itself, endeavour to support them, by asserting that they belonged to the secret teaching of the early Church, of which they claim Clement as a witness.
[9:85] But the fallacy is obvious.
[9:86] Either they were thus secreted, or they were not.
[9:87] If not, as is most evident (because they contradict what was openly professed), then no ground for the pretence.
[9:88] But suppose they were, what follows? Such secrets were no part of the faith, and could not become so at a later period.
[9:89] If they were kept secret by the new theologians, and taught to "Gnostics" only, they would still be without primitive example, but might be less objectionable.
[9:90] But, no! they are imposed upon all, as if part of the ancient creeds; imposed, as if articles of the Catholic faith, on the most illiterate peasant, whose mere doubt as to any of them excludes him from the Church here, and from salvation hereafter.
[9:91] Such, then, is a fatal departure from Catholic orthodoxy and the traditions of the ancients.
[9:92] The whole system is a novelty, and the product of the most barren and corrupt period of Occidental history.
[9:93] The Church, as Clement shows, never made any secret of any article of the Christian faith; and, as soon as she was free from persecution, the whole testimony of the Ante-Nicene Fathers was summed up in the Nicaeno-Constantinopolitan Confession.
[9:94] This only is the Catholic faith, and the council forbade any additions thereto, in the way of a symbol.
[9:95] See Professor Shedd's Christian Doctrine, vol.
[9:96] 2 - p Ed.
[9:97] , New York.
[9:98] 5 (p.
[9:99] , note , Elucidation 3, continued.
[9:100] ) This is a valuable passage for the illustration of our author's views of the nature of tradition, (κατὰ τὸν σεμνὸν τῆς παραδόσεως κανόνα as a canon "from the creation of the world;" a tradition preluding the tradition of true knowledge; a divine mystery preparing for the knowledge of mysteries,—clearing the ground from thorns and weeds, beforehand, so that the seed of the Word may not be choked.
[9:101] Now, in this tradition, he includes a true idea of Gentilism as well as of the Hebrew Church and its covenant relations; in short, whatever a Christian scholar is obliged to learn from "Antiquities" and "Introductions" and "Bible Dictionaries," authenticated by universal and orthodox approbation.
[9:102] These are the providential provisions of the Divine oeconomy, for the communication of truth.
[9:103] Dr.
[9:104] Watts has a sermon on the Inward Witness to Christianity, which I find quoted by Vicesimus Knox (Works, vol.
[9:105] 7 - p.
[9:106] , et seqq.
[9:107] ) in a choice passage that forcibly expands and expounds some of Clement's suggestions, though without referring to our author.
[9:108] 6 (Justification, p.
[9:109] note.
[9:110] ) Without reference to my own views on this great subject, and desiring merely to illustrate our author, it shall suffice to remark, here, that to suppose that Clement uses the word technically, as we now use the language of the schools and of post-Reformation theologians, would hopelessly confuse the argument of our author.
[9:111] It is clear that he has no idea of any justification apart from the merits of Christ: but he uses the term loosely to express his idea, that as the Law led the Hebrews to the great Healer, who rose from the dead for our justification, in that sense, and in no other, the truth that was to be found in Greek Philosophy, although a minimum, did the same for heathen who loved truth, and followed it so far as they knew.
[9:112] Whether his views even in this were correct, it would not become me, here, to express any opinion.
[9:113] (See below, Elucidation 14) 7 (Philosophy, p.
[9:114] , note.
[9:115] ) It is so important to grasp just what our author understands by this "philosophy," that I had designed to introduce, here, a long passage from Bishop Kaye's lucid exposition.
[9:116] Finding, however, that these elucidations are already, perhaps, over multiplied, I content myself with a reference to his Account, etc.
[9:117] (pp.
[9:118] –).
[9:119] 8 (Overflow of the Spirit, p.
[9:120] , note.
[9:121] ) Here, again, I wished to introduce textual citations from several eminent authors: I content myself with a very short one from Kaye, to illustrate the intricacy, not to say the contradictory character, of some of Clement's positions as to the extent of grace bestowed on the heathen.
[9:122] "Clement says that an act, to be right, must be done through the love of God.
[9:123] He says that every action of the heathen is sinful, since it is not sufficient that an action is right: its object or aim must also be right" (Account, etc.
[9:124] , p.
[9:125] ).
[9:126] For a most interesting, but I venture to think overdrawn, statement of St.
[9:127] Paul's position as to heathen "wisdom," etc.
[9:128] , see Farrar's Life of St.
[9:129] Paul (p.
[9:130] , et seqq.
[9:131] , ed.
[9:132] New York).
[9:133] Without relying on this popular author, I cannot but refer the reader to his Hulsean Lecture (, p.
[9:134] , et seqq.
[9:135] ).
[9:136] 9 (Faith without Learning, p.
[9:137] , note.
[9:138] ) The compassion of Christ for poverty, misery, for childhood, and for ignorance, is everywhere illustrated in Holy Scripture; and faith, even "as a grain of mustard seed," is magnified, accordingly, in the infinite love of his teaching.
[9:139] Again I am willing to refer to Farrar (though I read him always with something between the lines, before I can adopt his sweeping generalizations) for a fine passage, I should quote entire, did space permit (The Witness of History to Christ, p.
[9:140] , ed.
[9:141] London, ).
[9:142] See also the noble sermon of Jeremy Taylor on John 7 - (Works, vol.
[9:143] 2 - p.
[9:144] , ed.
[9:145] Bohn, ).
[9:146] 10 (The Open Secret, p.
[9:147] , note.
[9:148] ) The esoteric system of Clement is here expounded in few words: there is nothing in it which may not be proclaimed from the house-tops, for all who have ears to hear.
[9:149] It is the mere swine (with seed-pickers and jack-daws, the σπερμόλογοι of the Athenians) who must be denied the pearls of gnostic truth.
[9:150] And this, on the same merciful principle on which the Master was silent before Pilate, and turned away from cities where they were not prepared to receive his message.
[9:151] 11 (Bodily Purity, p.
[9:152] , note.
[9:153] ) From a familiar quotation, I have often argued that the fine instinct of a woman, even among heathen, enforces a true idea: "If from her husband's bed, as soon as she has bathed: if from adulterous commerce, not at all".
[9:154] This is afterwards noted by our author; but it is extraordinary to find the mind of the great missionary to our Saxon forefathers, troubled about such questions, even in the seventh century.
[9:155] I have less admiration for the elaborate answers of the great Patriarch of Rome (Gregory), to the scrupulous inquiries of Augustine, than for the instinctive and aphoristic wisdom of poor Theano, in all the darkness of her heathenism.
[9:156] (See Ven.
[9:157] Bede, Eccles.
[9:158] Hist.
[9:159] , book 1 - cap.
[9:160] , p Works, ed.
[9:161] London,.
[9:162] ) 12 (Clement's View of Philosophy, p.
[9:163] , note.
[9:164] ) I note the concluding words of this chapter (16 -), as epitomizing the whole of what Clement means to say on this great subject; and, for more, see the Elucidation infra, on Justification.
[9:165] 13 (The Ecstacy of Sibyl, etc.
[9:166] , p.
[9:167] , note.
[9:168] ) No need to quote Virgil's description (aeneid, 6 - , with Heyne's references in Excursus 5); but I would compare with his picture of Sibylline inspiration, that of Balaam (Numbers :, , , ), and leave with the student an inquiry, how far we may credit to a divine motion, the oracles of the heathen, i-e:, some of them.
[9:169] I wish to refer the student, also, as to a valuable bit of introductory learning, to the essay of Isaac Casaubon (Exercitationes ad Baronii Prolegom.
[9:170] , pp.
[9:171] –, ed.
[9:172] Genevae, ).
[9:173] 14 (Justification, p.
[9:174] , note.
[9:175] ) Casaubon, in the work just quoted above (Exercitat.
[9:176] , 1 -) examines this passage of our author, and others, comparing them with passages from St.
[9:177] Chrysostom and St.
[9:178] Augustine, and with Justin Martyr (see vol.
[9:179] 1 - p.
[9:180] , this series, cap.
[9:181] ).
[9:182] Bishop Kaye (p.
[9:183] ) justly remarks: "The apparent incorrectness of Clement's language arises from not making that clear distinction which the controversies at the time of the Reformation introduced".
[9:184] The word "incorrectness," though for myself I do not object to it, might be said "to beg the question;" and hence I should prefer to leave it open to the divers views of readers, by speaking, rather, of his lack of precision in the use of a term not then defined with theological delicacy of statement.
[9:185] 15 (Chronology, p.
[9:186] , note.
[9:187] ) Here an invaluable work for comparison and reference must be consulted by the student; viz.
[9:188] , the Chronicon of Julius Africanus, in Routh's Reliquiae (tom 2 - p.
[9:189] , et seqq.
[9:190] ), with learned annotations, in which (e.
[9:191] g.
[9:192] , p.
[9:193] ) Clement's work is cited.
[9:194] Africanus took up chronological science in the imperfect state where it was left by Clement, with whom he was partially contemporary; for he was Bishop of Emmaus in Palestine (called also Nicopolis), and composed his fine books of chronological history, under Marcus Aurelius.
[9:195] On the Alexandrian era consult a paragraph in Encyc.
[9:196] Britannica (vol.
[9:197] 5 - p.
[9:198] ).
[9:199] It was adopted for Christian computation, after Africanus.
[9:200] See Eusebius (book 6 - cap.
[9:201] ), and compare (this volume, p.
[9:202] ) what is said of Theophilus of Antioch, by Abp.
[9:203] Usher.