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vladimir_putin_interviews.json
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[
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "With me at our bureau in New York City is Russian President Vladimir Putin. President Putin, welcome and thank you very much for appearing with us tonight on this broadcast.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "Thank you.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "You have just been to Ground Zero in Lower Manhattan, and I want to ask you first your reactions on seeing that.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "It was a very emotional experience. Of course all of this I had already seen a number of times on television, and I must tell you that as far as the official schedule of my visit, the trip to New York was not part of it. However, I could not help but come here, both to New York itself and of course the Ground Zero, the disaster site. And it made a very big impact -- not just on me personally, but on Russia as a whole. And what I wanted to do was not just to go visit that place, but to pay my respects to those who had suffered in this tragedy. And I wanted to once again by doing that, by going to the site, to attract the attention to this tragedy, to do everything that I can to make sure that nothing like this happens in the future, that there is no repetition of this in the future. And I would like to express my admiration for the courage displayed by the New Yorkers. I also would like to say that there was a poster across the street from the Russian flag, because of course there were some Russians among the casualties -- and I signed the poster. And what I wrote there was that, quote, \"This great city and the great people of America will no doubt prevail.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "Well, I know that you are eager to hear from our listeners. Before we go to phone calls and to some of the nearly 2,000 e-mail messages that we have received over the past couple of days in anticipation of you being here, I would like to first ask you about your summit with President Bush this week. You and President Bush seem to have both agreed to cuts in nuclear warheads, but not on the ABM Treaty. What's the problem? What is the obstacle to your agreeing on the American plans for a missile defense, and Russia's insistence on the ABM Treaty?",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "Well, the problem is not so much about the administration's plans to build up the system. The problem is that in the whole we do share the concerns of the U.S. administration regarding possible future threats. And in this regard we do have a common platform on which we can engage in a discussion and to decide what the optimal way is of providing security for both our two countries and the rest of the world.Where we do have differences is how to move along towards that objective -- how to reach that level of security. Our position, Russia's position, comes down to the fact that the best, the most optimal way, is to preserve the agreements that have been signed and put into effect before, and to develop the international agreements and accords in the security area -- also to put an end to the nuclear proliferation and to the proliferation of missile technologies, and to engage in arms cuts. That we believe is the ultimate road.We also believe that the 1972 treaty that we have now is flexible enough for us to use it for different kinds of efforts towards a greater level of security, both for the United States and Russia. The U.S. administration has its own approach to how this problem can be solved, but I don't have any doubts whatsoever that no matter which scenario unfolds, our bilateral relationship will not deteriorate from the level it is at now, and we at the end of the day will be able to arrive at a solution that will be acceptable for everyone involved.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "But is your relationship with President Bush strong enough now that you have confidence the United States would not simply break the ABM Treaty unilaterally?",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "First of all, indeed we have heard quite a lot that such a scenario is possible, but no final decision has been made. Secondly, I would like to reiterate -- I would like to emphasize once again that the level of our relationship -- and I am not just talking about my personal relationship with President Bush, but I am referring to the relationship between the United States and the Russian Federation -- the level of awareness of the need to strengthen this relationship vis-a-vis the new threats is such that we simply cannot fail to understand the importance of the quality of this relationship, no matter how difficult the challenges are and how difficult the problems are that we are solving, such as for instance the ABM Treaty and its future is. That is one of those difficult problems. That is why I am saying with this much confidence that no matter what the actual situation is, we jointly with the U.S. administration will be looking for a scenario that will be acceptable for everyone involved, and I am positive that we will find such a scenario.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "As I've said, we have received hundreds and hundreds -- nearly 2,000 -- e-mail questions for you, which range from your thoughts on the future of world politics to who your favorite Beatle is -- every question imaginable. But here's one that's relevant to the point I just asked you about. George Poole of San Antonio, Texas, asks you if Russia might consider the United States and Russia bilaterally working on a missile defense, sharing the technology to create it and jointly building it.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "I believe that the most important is for us to be thinking about a future security system together. The most important thing is to work on a system that rather than generates mutual distrust and rather than deteriorate the strategic position of the partner, we engage in building a system that will work exactly towards the opposite end. And I believe -- I think that such a scenario is indeed feasible, and that's what I feel my partner and colleague President Bush is prepared to do.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "This is a completely different subject, and it's from Max Wilson of Mason, Texas. And he writes: \"Dear President Putin\" --",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "Why is it that we have focused on Texas? Actually I believe that's the right thing to do --",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "I think you are very popular in Texas right now, and we have quite a bit of e-mail from Texas. Mr. Wilson asks, \"My wife and I support several village churches in Siberia, as well as an orphanage and a ministry to street children. We often travel to Russia to visit the people involved in these ministries. We are mainline Protestants, and are concerned about reports of persecution and discrimination against Western Protestant ministries and ministers. My question is: Are we really welcome in Russia?\"",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "Unfortunately we all live in a world where there are all kinds of problems that one still comes across. However, I don't think -- let me put it differently -- I am confident that there are no problems about the interaction of any confessions, representatives of any confessions, with the official authorities. I don't think that there will be any problems in that area.Unfortunately some parts of the world -- in some countries of the world, the Russian Orthodox Church is running into problems. And in countries where as a matter of fact it has a long history of representation, a very solid representation. Our job is to create an environment where it will be possible to profess religions freely, and to engage in religious beliefs freely for all and any people, irrespective of their congregation. But for instance myself -- I have been doing everything that is within my powers to do, and I am positive that at the local level many people are doing the same. However, when there are or if there are certain episodes, certain problems of the caliber that have been mentioned by your listener, I think it would be appropriate if he were to send a letter with the description of those problems to my office, and I promise hereby that we will pay the closest attention to such a letter.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "Listener Rimas Miksys of Seattle, Washington, asks: Do you oppose the admission of the three Baltic Republics, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, into NATO?",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "You know, this is a question -- or this is an issue that cannot really be summed up in a yes or a no. I will try and express my position on this matter briefly.NATO was built to counteract the Soviet Union in its day and time. At this point there is no threat coming from the Soviet Union, because there is no Soviet Union anymore. And where there was the Soviet Union once, there is now a number of countries, among them the new and democratic Russia. If -- and I have already said that, and I don't mind repeating that -- if we were to take to the streets of New York or to the streets of Washington, D.C., or Paris, or London, or Rome, or any and all other major capitals of the countries that are NATO members, and if we were to ask the man in the street, the ordinary person, whether he thinks that the enrollment of Estonia, with its 1,300,000 people and Latvia and Lithuania if they were to join NATO, whether or not it will increase their level of security, most likely, most probably almost everybody will say no -- no, their enrollment in NATO will not increase their security. Because unfortunately, mechanical enlargements of NATO is not going to increase the level of security in the face of new threats -- the threats of the 21st century.However, if we were to ask the man on the street whether he thinks that Russia is in a position to help neutralize the newly-emerging threats, again most likely everybody will say, Yes, Russia can do that -- and that would be the right thing to say.So what I am trying to say is that while Russia acknowledges the role of NATO in the world of today, Russia is prepared to expand its cooperation with this organization. And if we change the quality of the relationship, if we change the format of the relationship between Russia and NATO, then I think NATO enlargement will cease to be an issue -- will no longer be a relevant issue. I guess that would be my comment.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "That's a very long answer to our listener's yes-or-no question, but I take it that you are saying under present circumstances you do oppose, until the relationship changes?",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "Not only I am not opposed to it, I actually don't think it makes any sense. If we were to deal with increasing its national security, NATO enlargement does not make sense. We of course are not in a position to tell people what to do. We cannot forbid people to make certain choices if they want to increase the security of their nations in a particular way. But I don't think that enlarging or enhancing NATO mechanically makes any sense.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "Many listeners have called in on 1-800-989-TALK, and we are going to turn first to Michael, who is calling from Holland, Mich. Michael, your question for President Vladimir Putin.caller: Good evening, Mr. Putin.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "Good evening.caller: I was just wondering -- it seems like Russia has gone through pretty much what we are going through now with Chechnya with the terrorists. I was wondering what's the most important thing that he can tell us or any information, seeing how he already went through this ordeal. What would be, for our citizens, or for what he can tell Bush, what information does he have towards citizens?",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "Advice to President Bush based on your experience of dealing with terrorism.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "Well, of course I have been asked not only about President Bush, but about advice in general, what I think is the most important thing when one is faced with the threat of terrorism. And what I'll try to do is to provide a very specific and brief answer. The most important thing is your society's morale. It's the society's preparedness to try and control terrorism and terror and any pressure that may come from the political leadership of your county. And I have a feeling that America has enough of that now.",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "npr.org",
"outgoing": false,
"text": "Our caller mentioned the experience of Chechnya. Many people have sent us e-mails about Chechnya. David Sloane of Somerville, Mass., asks: Would you consider bringing in outside mediators, perhaps the United Nations, to seek a compromise in Chechnya?",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"
},
{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
"conversationId": "19bf2d1d98eb49149f5905e083c684b6",
"conversationWithName": "npr.org",
"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "No. And I'll tell you why. Chechnya is part and parcel of the Russian Federation. And it is our duty to decide matters in what is our home. And that's the first point I would like to make answering the question.My second point is that the Chechnya issue has more aspects to it than just terrorism. It's not all about terrorism. The Chechnya problem is a centuries-old problem. The thing is that today, fundamentalists and terrorists are exploiting those centuries-old problems to accomplish their own objectives that have nothing to do whatsoever with the interests of Chechnya. They are taking advantage of those problems. And of course, because there are many things and many questions that can be asked about this, please allow me to -- please bear with me, I will say something else regarding this.In 1995, Russia virtually gave Chechnya de facto statehood and independence even though, de jure, it didn't recognize Chechnya as an independent state. And I would like to emphasize strongly that Russia withdrew all of its troops, we moved the prosecutors, we moved all the police, dismantled all the courts, completely, 100 percent. Starting from that moment, what happened was the beginning of a fundamentalist invasion of that territory -- fundamentalists, and as a matter of fact, foreign mercenaries virtually invaded that territory.What happened was that an international terrorist enclave was set up in Chechnya. And all of this, of course, led to the fact that in December of 1999, terrorists attacked a neighboring republic, Dagestan, which also happens to be a Muslim republic. And their motto was -- their direct motto was to alienate new territory from Russia, to take away the new land from Russia, and to set up a new fundamentalist state between the Baltic and the Caspian seas. And as we all understand, this has nothing to do with the independence of Chechnya, and cannot have anything to do with the independence of Chechnya. And this is something that Russia could only respond to in a rigorous and armed manner.And, as of now, in Chechnya, about 500 foreign mercenaries have been destroyed in Chechnya and in the territory of Chechnya, according to our data, there are several hundred mercenaries. That is why we and the Chechnyan people will engage in political means to find a final solution. And as far as international terrorists are concerned, we will bring them to justice or physically destroy them.",
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"text": "Rather than continue talking about Chechnya, which could occupy the rest of our time together, I know a great many people have sent in comments of great concern about human rights abuses there, and we're going to go on to other questions right now. And we're going to turn right now to Prentiss, Maine -- this is in the other corner of the country from where you've just been -- and our listener, Liz, has a question for you.caller: Yes. President Putin, what advice do you have for the U.S. regarding the deployment of ground troops into Afghanistan? And what were your casualties there? Spasiba (Thank you).",
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{
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"text": "As you can see so far, the situation has been evolving, as we planned -- as President Bush planned, and as we both discussed this situation some time ago, including in Shanghai.From our perspective, as of now, the Afghans are being -- the Northern Alliance and its own forces are being and have been sufficiently effective. We sought to liberate the north of Afghanistan, and the capital of Afghanistan at the first stage, and these objectives have been accomplished.",
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},
{
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"text": "You say \"we\" -- you say \"we,\" sir, the alliance, that you count Russia as part of that action.",
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},
{
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"text": "Yes, of course. Let me finish answering that question first. I believe that, first of all, we must focus on the Afghans themselves. And we should put them in a position where they can liberate their own country and their own nation from fundamentalists and foreign mercenaries. While we should be doing that supporting them with aviation and special forces and special means, and helping them with food supplies and weapons. And as we can see, once again I would like to say that so far this line of action has been effective. And as far as a large-scale ground operation is concerned, as of now -- as of now, that doesn't seem to be an appropriate line of action. Everything will depend on how the situation will evolve in the future.As far as the comment from our host, yes, Russia does see itself as an integral part of the international community which is fighting terrorism. We have been supplying our partners in the United States with reconnaissance, with intelligence. We have provided corridors for air traffic. We provide political support to our allies from around the Central Asian republics in terms of -- that have been providing assistance to the U.S. armed forces.But, in addition to that, in this particular region, and more specifically in Tajikistan, we have a fairly large ground formation of the Russian armed forces. Our border troops are protecting the border between Tajikistan and Afghanistan -- and I'm talking about a 10,000 contingent, 10,000 strong contingent -- and in Tajikistan, we have a mobilized division of 12,500 personnel strong -- which is to say that the Russian armed forces have 22,500 people on the ground in this part of the world. And that, I think, is acting as a major stabilizing factor for the situation in this region. And, our relationship with the United States in this area has been developing in a highly productive manner.",
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{
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"text": "Well, let's turn to another call from the audience, and this time from Mendon, Mass. Our listener's name is Larry. Larry, what's your question?caller: Good evening, President Putin.",
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},
{
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
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"text": "Good evening.caller: There are a great many of us here who would like to know what type of martial arts you practice, how old you were when you earned your black belt, and do you still find time to practice in your busy life?",
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"text": "I started practicing this sport when I was 14, and as a matter of fact, what I did start engaging in was something called sambo, which is a Russian acronym for, quote, \"self-defense without arms, which is a Russian wrestling technique. And, after that, I joined a gym that was teaching judo. And I was what they call a master of sports. We have our sporting ranks, and the equivalent of the black belt I received when I was, I guess, 18, in judo. And all my adult life I have been practicing judo -- I guess I can put it this way -- and I do love the sport tremendously. And I think that there is more to it than just sport. I think it's also a philosophy in a way, and I think it's a philosophy that teaches one to treat one's partner with respect. And I engage in this sport with pleasure and try to have regular practices still. Yes, still.",
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},
{
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"text": "This, by the way, there was an e-mail question, another personal question: Hubbard T. Saunders IV, in Jackson, Miss., asks what is your favorite book, and why?",
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},
{
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"text": "I love the Russian classics very much, the Russian classical literature. But I also read modern literature. As far as Russian literature is concerned, I am very fond of Tolstoy and Chekhov, and I also enjoy reading Gogol very much.",
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{
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"text": "Well, let's -- oh, many people have asked us about your background in the KGB. Thom Foulks of Colorado Springs, Colo., asks: American news media continue to point out that you were a former KGB agent, which carries with it a negative image. Is that unfair? And how do you feel your KGB experience may help you or hinder you in today's world?",
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},
{
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
"outgoing": true,
"text": "It helps me.",
"language": "en",
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},
{
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"outgoing": false,
"text": "It helps you.",
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{
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"text": "For instance -- I can see you are surprised to hear that -- for instance, it helps me establish a good relationship with you as we are working here today in the studio. It helps me establish human interaction, because working for the intelligence -- and that's where I was working, I was working in the -- I was working in the intelligence department of the KGB -- so working for the intelligence, you have to be working with and for the people. What I was doing, what was my specialty was the political intelligence. I basically engaged and researched into international politics -- of course, from a different perspective, in a different capacity. And I never, ever regretted working, taking up a job with the external intelligence department of the Soviet Union. I did my duty. I served my country. And I believe that I did a fairly decent job at that. However, one must not forget, of course, that we lived in an entirely different world then, in a world that is no longer here. As far as I know, though, in the United States, there is a certain amount of experience where ex-intelligence employees became heads of state.",
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{
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"text": "You were visiting the son of one of them just this week, I believe.",
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},
{
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
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"text": "And I also had a meeting with the father as well.",
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},
{
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"text": "Dan in Atlanta, Ga., has a question for you, Mr. President.caller: Good evening, President Putin. Do you believe that the United States and Russia should be willing to give more authority and yield some sovereignty to the United Nations in order to combat terrorism?",
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"text": "Well, the United Nations' involvement in the counter-terrorism effort is extremely important, above all, in the international -- in the internationally legal area, as far as the international law is concerned. The United Nations should work out fundamental definitions and standards to describe terrorism and to help make these standards part and parcel of the national legislation of the member nations.However, the United Nations is also deriving its strength from the strength of the individual member states. That is why the role that can be played by individual member states, especially the leading nations, such as the United States, for instance, is immense. And I don't think that, at least in certain individual aspects of the counter-terrorism effort, such individual role of some of the member states of the United Nations can be in any way replaced or substituted for by the United Nations itself.",
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},
{
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"text": "We're going to turn now to Cleveland, Ohio, where Pat has been on hold for a while with a question for you, Mr. President. Go ahead, Pat.caller: Mr. President, you've spoken with leaders throughout the world. Now, based not on Russia's desires but what you've heard those world leaders say, what's the one thing that America should change to be best accepted by the community of nations?",
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},
{
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"text": "You know, while answering this question, I may come across as somewhat immodest. Advice of this kind is more or less a waste of time, really, because whenever somebody bothers to give this kind of advice, as a rule, the recipient wouldn't follow, wouldn't take that advice.If you believe that the United States should actually do something so as to strengthen even more its international standing, then my impression is that these objectives should be put on the agenda of the United States by the citizens of the United States or by yourself.",
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},
{
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"text": "Here's a question from Philip Smiley in Fairfax, Va. It's an e-mail question. \"What were you thinking about us -- that is, us Americans -- when President Reagan was calling the Soviet Union the evil empire?\"",
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},
{
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"text": "I was thinking that he was being a little extreme, and I was thinking that that kind of an extreme attitude was unlikely to result in the accomplishing of an objective, even though those objectives that President Reagan himself was mapping out were noble.My perspective is that generally a policy of any kind of restrictions or isolation is very ineffective. That's my perspective. And as far as the Soviet Union was concerned, I think that that assessment was more of a motto, a slogan, a slogan of the day, of the day when it was said, rather than a long-term policy pursued by Reagan himself. And as a matter of fact, the subsequent events did confirm what I just said, that it was more of a slogan for the day.",
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},
{
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"text": "President Bush now speaks of Osama bin Laden as \"the evil one.\" He uses the word \"evil.\" Is he also exaggerating now, and is it also a slogan for the day, or do you think that's true?",
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},
{
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
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"text": "Actually, I think President Bush is being very mild in his choice of words. I have other definitions and epithets to offer, but I, of course, am being restrained by the fact that I am talking to the media and this is hardly appropriate.The thing is that the people that you have just referred to, terrorists, especially terrorists who base themselves on man-hating fundamentalist ideas, these people, these terrorists, don't really treat the rest of humanity as human beings. We are not even enemies, as far as they're concerned. We're just dust. We're nothing and we're a bunch of nobodies. And as people, these criminals deserve the most serious of attention and the most rigorous of treatment.",
"language": "en",
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},
{
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"text": "Josh is calling from Tampa, Florida. Josh, go ahead.caller: Good evening, President Putin. What effect, if anything, has the Sept. 11 tragedy had on the Russian economy and the citizens of Russia?",
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},
{
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"text": "As far as the economy is concerned, the impact was minimal, fortunately. As far as the citizens of Russia are concerned, I can tell you that it was both a shock for the United States and a very serious event for Russia. And it is no accident that hundreds of people in Moscow and in other cities of the Russian Federation where there is some diplomatic representation from the United States came to the buildings of these diplomatic missions and brought flowers with them.I would like to tell you that sympathy from the Russian people towards the American people was something that the Russians were providing in a perhaps, I don't know, conscious, knowing way than sympathy shown by other nations.And I'm not afraid to say that openly, and I can tell you why, because exactly two years ago Russia was the first to come across the kind of terrorism that the Americans had to deal with on Sept. 11. And, of course, the scale was not as large but it was just as horrendous, where, in downtown Moscow and in other cities of the Russian Federation, residential buildings, apartment buildings, were exploded. And as a result of those acts of terror, hundreds of completely innocent people died.That was two years ago. That is why I think I'm in a position to say that the citizens of Russia, probably more intimately than the other nations of the world, held this tragedy to their heart and sympathized with the Americans.",
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},
{
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"text": "On another subject, our listener, Alfred Friendly Jr., sent us this question. He wants to know what influence you believe Andrei Sakharov and other human rights advocates and their supporters in the West had on the course of Soviet and Russian history.",
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},
{
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"text": "I think that was a crucial impact that they provided. It was a fundamental impact that they provided to the Russian history. At different periods, certain periods of time in the life of any nation, there will be people who turn on the light, if you will, and they show a road for the nation to follow. And no doubt Andrei Sakharov was one of those people who turned on the light.",
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},
{
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"text": "A visionary for the Russians.",
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},
{
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"text": "Yes, exactly, a visionary, and also someone who was able to not only see the future, but to express, to articulate his thoughts, and do that without any fear. And that is also very important.",
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},
{
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"text": "Does it disturb you that human rights groups that supported Sakharov in his day will now criticize you for the Russian army's behavior in Chechnya or for restrictions on the press, for example?",
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"text": "No, it doesn't bother me. I think that people who criticize the authorities -- there should always be people who criticize the authorities. And at the end of the day, it is good for a regime, for the authorities, to have this kind of people, because what these people are trying to do is casting light on a problem from every single perspective, including from a perspective that the authorities themselves may fail to notice because the authorities are busy dealing with the daily challenges of everyday life and they may not see a certain aspect of a problem.",
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},
{
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"text": "But are the Russian media free today to cast light on even the most controversial, most sensitive issues in Russian life? Can they go in and report freely? Or should they, as we read here, be concerned that there may be government pressure on them?",
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},
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
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"text": "I believe that the Russian mass media are as free as in any other nation. There is a problem that is specific to nations with an underdeveloped market economy, with an insufficiently-developed market economy. And this problem, of course, projects itself to the mass media before anything else.I believe that mass media can be genuinely, completely free only in the context of a democratic society and a market economy when they become economically free. That's the only way for them to be genuinely free, when they no longer depend on handouts from outside people, when they no longer perform a function that is assigned to them by their financial sponsors. And in this sense, in my country we still have a lot of work cut out for us if we were to make our mass media independent, especially in some of the regions of the Russian Federation.",
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"text": "So when you think ahead to what Russia will be like 10 years from now, 20 years from now, as any number of people want to ask you about your vision for the country, do you imagine Russia will be, because it has a more complex market economy by then, a more developed democracy with a freer press, for example?",
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},
{
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
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"text": "The choice was made, and I am absolutely, 100 percent confident that this is an irreversible process. And everything that you have just mentioned, I am positive will continue to evolve in a positive manner. And the basics of the democracy, the foundation of the democracy, will continue to be strengthened and the market economy will again continue to progress. And I have no doubt whatsoever that this will happen. The point of no return is way in the past.",
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},
{
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"text": "And it'll be bringing a more vigorous press and media along with it?",
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},
{
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"text": "I think that if you were to go to Russia now, to come to Russia now, and if you could see for yourself how active and proactive the Russian press is now, I think many of the questions that you are about to ask, you probably even wouldn't bother to ask.",
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},
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"text": "The last question from one of our listeners, Linda in Idaho. Linda, you have the last word to President Putin.caller: Good evening, President Putin. I'm a city council member here in Moscow, Idaho, and we in Moscow look forward to peace and understanding between our countries. But, you know, we need to talk together and we need to get to know each other. So, because of that, I'd like to invite you and other Russians to come to the other Moscow. Mr. President, will you come to Moscow, Idaho?",
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
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"text": "I am very touched by your kind invitation. I have a lot of places to visit in this sense in the United States, and I think there's a city that's called St. Petersburg in the state of Florida, and I of course was born in St. Petersburg -- not Florida, in Russia -- and I would very much like to visit Moscow, Idaho and St. Petersburg, Florida.One thing, however, that I absolutely agree with you is that a genuine friendship between our two countries is only possible if and when these relationships are maintained at the grass-roots level, and in the citizens of our respective countries.",
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"text": "And before you go, I have to let you clarify a confusion about your invitation to President Bush the other day. You suggested that he come to St. Petersburg for the White Nights in December, which isn't what you meant, I presume?",
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"text": "Yes, if we were to refer -- as if we were to use the phrase \"white nights\" to describe nights that are covered in snow, and streets that are covered in snow -- (laughter) -- when the streets are covered in snow, then December might do just fine. However, we will be happy to welcome President Bush on Russian soil at any time that is convenient for him.But the actual phrase \"white nights,\" when used correctly, refers to several weeks between late May and the middle of June. That is why, because in the latitudes where St. Petersburg is located, the sun basically never goes down and stays above the horizon virtually through the night, and sets for just a few moments during the night, and this is an exceptionally beautiful season, especially in a city that is exceptionally beautiful itself, St. Petersburg, Russia. And what I was referring to when I extended my invitation to President Bush of course was the few weeks between late May and the middle of June. But our specialists, our experts from the U.S. State Department and from the Russian Foreign Ministry, I hope will be able to select a time that happens to suit the president best, and that is the most convenient time for him.",
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"text": "Well, President Putin, thank you very much for sharing so much of your time with us this evening on National Public Radio.",
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
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"text": "Thank you very much for organizing this event. And I would also like to thank the audience and the callers. I would also like to thank everybody for the interest that they have shown in today's conversation. I also would like to take advantage of this opportunity to thank the American people for the extremely warm and cordial welcome that has been extended to me. And I saw it with my own eyes when I went to Texas. I could see posters and Russian flags flying virtually on every house, and there were greetings -- and there were posters and greetings written across the posters. And that's actually something that some of your listeners, some of the callers have mentioned today -- that is, where the feeling of friendship and the feeling of human interaction goes down to the grass-roots level, to the level of the interaction of individual citizens. Thank you very much, Americans.",
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"outgoing": false,
"text": "Vladimir Putin, the president of Russia, has been our guest. He's got to go.",
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"text": "Mr President, you head for Osaka shortly as the senior statesman at the G20. Nobody has been to so many international meetings of this grouping and the G7 over the last 20 years while you have been in charge of Russia. Before we talk about the G20 agenda and what you hope to achieve, we know that there are rising tensions between America and China in trade, the risk of conflict in the Gulf. I would be very grateful if you could talk a bit about how you have seen the world change over the last 20 years while you have been in power.",
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"text": "First, I have not been in power for all these 20 years. As you may know, I was prime minister for four years, and that is not the highest authority in the Russian Federation. But nevertheless, I have been around for a long time in government and in the upper echelons, so I can judge what is changing and how. In fact, you just said it yourself, asking what has changed and how. You mentioned the trade wars and the Persian Gulf developments. I would cautiously say the situation has not changed for the better, but I remain optimistic to a certain extent. But, to put it bluntly, the situation has definitely become more dramatic and explosive.",
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"text": "Do you believe that the world now has become more fragmented?",
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"text": "Of course, because during the Cold War, the bad thing was the Cold War. It is true. But there were at least some rules that all participants in international communication more or less adhered to or tried to follow. Now, it seems that there are no rules at all. In this sense, the world has become more fragmented and less predictable, which is the most important and regrettable thing.",
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"text": "We will return to this theme of the world without rules, fragmentation, more transactional. But first, Mr President, tell us what you want to achieve in Osaka, in terms of your relationships with these other parties? What are your main goals for the summit?",
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"text": "I would very much like all the participants in this event, and the G20, in my opinion, is a key international economic development forum today, so I would like all the G20 members to reaffirm their intention at least an intention to work out some general rules that everyone would follow, and show their commitment and dedication to strengthening international financial and trade institutions.Everything else is details that complement the main topics one way or another. We certainly support Japan's presidency. As for the development of modern technology, the information world, the information economy, as well as our Japanese colleagues' attention to matters such as longevity and the environment all this is extremely important, and we will certainly support it and will take part in all these discussions.Even though it is hard to expect any breakthroughs or landmark decisions in the current conditions; we can hardly count on it today. But in any case, there is hope at least that during these general discussions and bilateral meetings we will be able to smooth out the existing disagreements and lay a foundation, a basis for positive movement forward.Liberalism 'has outlived its purpose' President Putin speaks exclusively to the Financial TimesSubtitles unavailable",
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"text": "You will have a meeting with [Saudi Crown Prince] Mohammed bin Salman in Osaka. Can we expect an extension of the current agreement on oil production? Limitations?",
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"text": "As you know, Russia is not an Opec member, even though it is among the world's largest producers. Our daily production is estimated at 11.3m barrels, I believe. The United States has surged ahead of us, though. However, we believe that our production stabilisation agreements with Saudi Arabia and Opec in general have had a positive effect on market stabilisation and forecasting.I believe both energy producers, in this case, oil producing countries, and consumers are interested in this, because stability is definitely in short supply at present. And our agreements with Saudi Arabia and other Opec members undoubtedly strengthen stability.As for whether we will extend the agreement, you will find out in the next few days. I had a meeting on this issue with the top executives of our largest oil companies and government members right before this interview.",
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"text": "They are a little bit frustrated. They would like to produce more. Is that correct?",
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"text": "They have a smart policy. It is not about increasing production, although that is a major component in the work of large oil companies. It is about the market situation. They take a comprehensive view of the situation, as well as of their revenues and expenses. Of course, they are also thinking about boosting the industry, timely investments, ways to attract and use modern technology, as well as about making this vital industry more attractive for investors.However, dramatic price hikes or slumps will not contribute to market stability and will not encourage investment. This is why we discussed all these issues in their totality today.",
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"text": "Mr President, you have observed four American presidents at close quarters and maybe five, you have had direct experience. So, how is Mr Trump different?",
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"text": "We are all different. No two people are the same, just like there are no identical sets of fingerprints. Anyone has his or her own advantages, and let the voters judge their shortcomings. On the whole, I maintained sufficiently good-natured and stable relations with all the leaders of the US. I had an opportunity to communicate more actively with some of them.The first US president I came into contact with was Bill Clinton. Generally, I viewed this as a positive experience. We established sufficiently stable and business-like ties for a short period of time because his tenure was already coming to an end. I was only a very young president then who had just started working. I continue to recall how he established partner-like relations with me. I remain very grateful to him for this.There have been different times, and we had to address various problems with all other colleagues. Unfortunately, this often involved debates, and our opinions did not coincide on some matters that, in my opinion, can be called key aspects for Russia, the United States and the entire world. For example, this includes the unilateral US withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty that, as we have always believed, and as I am still convinced, was the cornerstone of the entire international security system.We debated this matter for a long time, argued and suggested various solutions. In any event, I made very energetic attempts to convince our US partners not to withdraw from the treaty. And, if the US side still wanted to withdraw from the treaty, it should have done so in such a way as to guarantee international security for a long historical period.I suggested this, I have already discussed this in public, and I repeat that I did this because I consider this matter to be very important. I suggested working jointly on missile-defence projects that should have involved the US, Russia and Europe. They stipulated specific parameters of this co-operation, determined dangerous missile approaches and envisioned technology exchanges, the elaboration of decision-making mechanisms, etc. Those were absolutely specific proposals.I am convinced that the world would be a different place today, had our US partners accepted this proposal. Unfortunately, this did not happen. We can see that the situation is developing in another direction; new weapons and cutting-edge military technology are coming to the fore. Well, this is not our choice. But, today, we should at least do everything so as to not aggravate the situation.",
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"text": "Mr President, you are a student of history. You have had many hours of conversation with Henry Kissinger. You almost certainly read his book,\u00a0World Order. With Mr Trump, we have seen something new, something much more transactional. He is very critical of alliances and allies in Europe. Is this something that is to Russia's advantage?",
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"text": "It would be better to ask what would be to America's advantage in this case. Mr Trump is not a career politician. He has a distinct world outlook and vision of US national interests. I do not accept many of his methods when it comes to addressing problems. But do you know what I think? I think that he is a talented person. He knows very well what his voters expect from him.Russia has been accused, and, strange as it may seem, it is still being accused, despite the Mueller report [on the investigation into allegations of Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential campaign], of mythical interference in the US election. What happened in reality? Mr Trump looked into his opponents' attitude to him and saw changes in American society, and he took advantage of this.You and I are talking ahead of the G20 meeting. It is an economic forum, and it will undoubtedly have discussions on globalisation, global trade and international finance.Has anyone ever given a thought to who actually benefited and what benefits were gained from globalisation, the development of which we have been observing and participating in over the past 25 years, since the 1990s?China has made use of globalisation, in particular, to pull millions of Chinese out of poverty.What happened in the US, and how did it happen? In the US, the leading US companies the companies, their managers, shareholders and partners made use of these benefits. The middle class hardly benefited from globalisation. The take-home pay in the US (we are likely to talk later about real incomes in Russia, which need special attention from the government). The middle class in the US has not benefited from globalisation; it was left out when this pie was divided up.The Trump team sensed this very keenly and clearly, and they used this in the election campaign. It is where you should look for reasons behind Trump's victory, rather than in any alleged foreign interference. This is what we should be talking about here, including when it comes to the global economy.I believe this may explain his seemingly extravagant economic decisions and even his relations with his partners and allies. He believes that the distribution of resources and benefits of globalisation in the past decade was unfair to the US.I am not going to discuss whether it was fair or not, and I will not say if what he is doing is right or wrong. I would like to understand his motives, which is what you asked me about. Maybe this could explain his unusual behaviour.",
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"text": "I definitely want to come back to the Russian economy. But what you said is absolutely fascinating. Here you are, the President of Russia, defending globalisation along with [China's] President Xi [Jinping] whereas Mr Trump is attacking globalisation and talking about America First. How do you explain this paradox?",
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"text": "I don't think that his desire to make America first is a paradox. I want Russia to be first, and that is not perceived as a paradox; there is nothing unusual there. As for the fact that he is attacking some manifestations of globalisation, I made that point earlier. He seems to believe that the results of globalisation could have been much better for the US than they are. These globalisation results are not producing the desired effect for the US, and he is beginning this campaign against certain elements of globalisation. This concerns everyone, primarily major participants in the system of international economic collaboration, including allies.",
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"text": "Mr President, you have had many meetings with President Xi, and Russia and China have definitely come closer. Are you putting too many eggs in the China basket? Because Russian foreign policy, including under your leadership, has always made a virtue of talking to everybody.",
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"text": "First of all, we have enough eggs, but there are not that many baskets where these eggs can be placed. This is the first point.Secondly, we always assess risks.Thirdly, our relations with China are not motivated by timeserving political or any other considerations. Let me point out that the Friendship Treaty with China was signed in 2001, if memory serves, long before the current situation and long before the current economic disagreements, to put it mildly, between the US and China.We do not have to join anything, and we do not have to direct our policy against anyone. In fact, Russia and China are not directing their policy against anyone. We are just consistently implementing our plans for expanding co-operation. We have been doing this since 2001, and we are just consistently implementing these plans.Take a look at what is written there. We have not done anything that transcends the framework of these accords. So there is nothing unusual here, and you should not search for any implications of the Chinese-Russian rapprochement. Of course, we assess the current global developments; our positions coincide on a number of matters on the current global agenda, including our attitude towards compliance with generally accepted rules in trade, the international financial system, payments and settlements.The G20 has played a very tangible role. Since its inception in 2008, when the financial crisis flared up, the G20 has accomplished many useful things for stabilising the global financial system, for developing global trade and ensuring its stabilisation. I am talking about the tax aspect of the global agenda, the fight against corruption, and so on. Both China and Russia adhere to this concept.The G20 has accomplished a lot by advocating quota changes at the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Both Russia and China share this approach. Considering the major increase in the global economic share of emerging markets, this is fair and right, and we have been voicing this position from the very beginning. And we are glad that this continues to develop and to proceed in line with changes in global trade.Over the past 25 years or so (25, I believe), the share of G7 countries in the global GDP has declined from 58 per cent to 40 per cent. This should also be reflected in international institutions in some way. That is the common position of Russia and China. This is fair, and there is nothing special about this.Yes, Russia and China have many coinciding interests, this is true. This is what motivates our frequent contacts with President Xi Jinping. Of course, we have also established very warm personal relations, and this is natural.Therefore, we are moving in line with our mainstream bilateral agenda that was formulated as far back as 2001, but we quickly respond to global developments. We never direct our bilateral relations against anyone. We are not against anyone, we are for ourselves.",
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"text": "I am relieved that this egg supply is strong. But the serious point, Mr President, is, you are familiar with Graham Allison's book,\u00a0The Thucydides Trap. The danger of tensions or a military conflict risk between a dominant power and a rising power, America and China. Do you think that there is a risk of a military conflict in your time between you, America and China?",
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"text": "You know, the entire history of mankind has always been full of military conflicts, but since the appearance of nuclear weapons the risk of global conflicts has decreased due to the potential global tragic consequences for the entire population of the planet in case such a conflict happens between two nuclear states. I hope it will not come to this.However, of course, we have to admit that it is not only about China's industrial subsidies on the one hand or the tariff policy of the US on the other. First of all, we are talking about different development platforms, so to speak, in China and in the US. They are different and you, being a historian, probably will agree with me. They have different philosophies in both foreign and domestic policies, probably.But I would like to share some personal observations with you. They are not about allied relations with one country or a confrontation with the other; I am just observing what is going on at the moment. China is showing loyalty and flexibility to both its partners and opponents. Maybe this is related to the historical features of Chinese philosophy, their approach to building relations.Therefore I do not think that there would be some such threats from China. I cannot imagine that, really. But it is hard to say whether the US would have enough patience not to make any rash decisions, but to respect its partners even if there are disagreements. But I hope, I would like to repeat this again, I hope that there would not be any military confrontation.",
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"text": "Arms control. We know that the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) agreement is in grave jeopardy. Is there any place, from Russia's point of view, for future arms control agreements or are we in a new phase when we are likely to see a new nuclear arms race?",
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"text": "I believe there is such a risk.As I said already, the US unilaterally withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty, and has recently quit the INF treaty as well. But this time, it did not just quit but found a reason to quit, and this reason was Russia. I do not think Russia means anything to them in this case, because this war theatre, the war theatre in Europe is unlikely to be interesting to the US, despite the expansion of Nato and Nato's contingent near our borders. The fact remains, the US has withdrawn from the treaty. Now the agenda is focused on the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New Start). I hope that I will be able to talk about it with Donald [Trump] if we happen to meet in Osaka.We said that we are ready to hold talks and to extend this treaty between the US and Russia, but we have not seen any relevant initiative from our American partners. They keep silent, while the treaty expires in 2021. If we do not begin talks now, it would be over because there would be no time even for formalities.Our previous conversation with Donald showed that the Americans seem to be interested in this, but still they are not making any practical steps. So if this treaty ceases to exist, then there would be no instrument in the world to curtail the arms race. And this is bad.",
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"text": "Exactly, the gloves are off. Is there any chance of a triangular agreement between China, Russia and America on intermediate nuclear forces or is that a dream, pie in the sky? Would you support such an end?",
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"text": "As I said at the very beginning, we will support any agreement that can advance our cause, that is, help us contain the arms race.It should be said that so far, the level and the development scale of China's nuclear forces are much lower than in the US and Russia. China is a huge power that has the capability to build up its nuclear potential. This will likely happen in the future, but so far our capabilities are hardly comparable. Russia and the US are the leading nuclear powers, which is why the agreement was signed between them. As for whether China will join these efforts, you can ask our Chinese friends.",
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"text": "Russia is a Pacific power as well as a European and Asian power. It is a Pacific power. You have seen what the Chinese are doing in terms of their build-up of their navy and their maritime strength. How do you deal with those potential security problems, territorial disputes in the Pacific? Does Russia have a role to play in a new security arrangement?VP:\u00a0You mentioned the build-up of naval forces in China. China's total defence spending is $117bn, if memory serves. The US defence spending is over $700bn. And you are trying to scare the world with the build-up of China's military might? It does not work with this scale of military spending. No, it does not.As for Russia, we will continue to develop our Pacific Fleet as planned. Of course, we also respond to global developments and to what happens in relations between other countries. We can see all of this, but it does not affect our defence development plans, including those in the Russian Far East.We are self-sufficient, and we are confident. Russia is the largest continental power. But we have a nuclear submarine base in the Far East, where we are developing our defence potential in accordance with our plans, including so that we can ensure safety on the Northern Sea Route, which we are planning to develop.We intend to attract many partners to this effort, including our Chinese partners. We may even reach an agreement with American shippers and with India, which has also indicated its interest in the Northern Sea Route.I would say that we are also primed for co-operation in the Asia Pacific region, and I have grounds to believe that Russia can make a considerable, tangible and positive contribution to stabilising the situation.",
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"text": "Can we just turn to North Korea? How do you assess the current situation and do you believe that in the end, any deal or agreement will have to accept the fact that North Korea has nuclear weapons and that total dismantling is just not possible? If I could just add, Mr President, I ask you this because Russia has a fairly small but still a land border with North Korea.",
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"senderName": "Vladimir Putin",
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"text": "You know, whether we recognise North Korea as a nuclear power or not, the number of nuclear charges it has will not decrease. We must proceed from modern realities, which are that nuclear weapons pose a threat to international peace and security.Another pertinent question is where this problem stems from. The tragedies of Libya and Iraq have inspired many countries to ensure their security at all costs.What we should be talking about is not how to make North Korea disarm, but how to ensure the unconditional security of North Korea and how to make any country, including North Korea feel safe and protected by international law that is strictly honoured by all members of the international community. This is what we should be thinking about.We should think about guarantees, which we should use as the basis for talks with North Korea. We must be patient, respect it and, at the same time, take into account the dangers arising from this, the dangers of the nuclear status and the presence of nuclear weapons.Of course, the current situation is fraught with unpredictable scenarios, which we must avoid.",
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"text": "You have obviously thought of this as an experienced foreign policy and security analyst and a strategist. How do you see the North Asia security situation over the next five to 10 years, given you have Russia, you have China, you have Korea and Japan?",
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{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
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"text": "You have said correctly that we have a common border, even if a short one, with North Korea, therefore, this problem has a direct bearing on us. The US is located across the ocean, and the UK is located far away, while we are right here, in this region, and the North Korean nuclear range is not far away from our border. This why this concerns us directly, and we never stop thinking about it.I would like to return to my answer to your previous question. We must respect North Korea's legitimate security concerns. We must show it respect, and we must find a way of ensuring its security that will satisfy North Korea. If we do this, the situation may take a turn nobody can imagine today.Do you remember what turn the situation took after the Soviet Union adopted the policy of detente? Do I need to say anything else?",
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"text": "Mr President, you have been in power or very close to power. I think in Davos I said to you when we met you were not in power but still calling all the shots. After 20 years at the top or near the top, has your appetite for risk increased?",
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{
"timestamp": 1577840400.0,
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"text": "It did not increase or decrease. Risk must always be well-justified. But this is not the case when one can use the popular Russian phrase: He who doesn't take risks, never drinks champagne. This is not the case. Quite possibly, risks are inevitable when one has to make certain decisions. Depending on the scale of any decision, risks can be small or serious.Any decision-making process is accompanied by risk. Before taking one's chances, one has to meticulously assess everything. Therefore, risk based on an assessment of the situation and the possible consequences of the decisions is possible and even inevitable. Foolish risks overlooking the real situation and failing to clearly comprehend the consequences are unacceptable because they can jeopardise the interests of a great number of people.",
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},
{
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"text": "How big was this Syria risk in terms of your decision to intervene?",
"language": "en",
"platform": "interview-transcripts"